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Bloodlands

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Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin
Company typeBook
IndustryPublishing
Founded2010
FounderTimothy Snyder
ProductsHistorical non-fiction book

Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin is a 2010 publication by Yale historian Timothy Snyder that investigates the mass killings occurring before and throughout World War II within areas dominated by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.

Snyder concentrates on a Central and Eastern European zone where the regimes of Stalin's Soviet Union and Hitler's Nazi Germany caused approximately 14 million civilian deaths from 1933 to 1945, predominantly outside the Holocaust's death camps. This "bloodlands" region encompasses Poland, Belarus, Ukraine, the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), northeastern Romania, and the westernmost parts of Russia. Although their objectives often conflicted, the two governments' interactions intensified suffering beyond what each could have inflicted independently.[1]

The book underscores parallels between these authoritarian regimes and how their actions reinforced each other's destructive impact. Historian Anne Applebaum remarks that Snyder’s work distinctively reveals how Hitler and Stalin mirrored one another, sometimes cooperating, at other times opposing, yet together representing a unified force of devastation.[2]

Snyder estimates that German forces intentionally killed around 11 million civilians—rising to over 12 million when including deaths due to deportations, starvation, and concentration camps—while Soviet figures under Stalin approximate 6 million direct executions, increasing to about 9 million when related causes are considered.[3]

The work garnered several accolades, such as the 2013 Hannah Arendt Prize for Political Thought, and provoked extensive scholarly discussion, receiving reviews that ranged from critical assessments to high praise.[4][5]

Synopsis

The territories Snyder labels as "the bloodlands" in Central and Eastern Europe represent the intersection where Hitler's racial supremacy ideology and Lebensraum ambitions—manifested in the Final Solution and other Nazi atrocities—overlapped with Stalin's communist policies that resulted in widespread famine, imprisonment, and killings in Gulags and beyond.

Within these Eastern European bloodlands, an estimated 14 million civilians perished due to the combined impact of both regimes, with Nazi Germany accountable for roughly two-thirds of these deaths. At least 5.4 million victims died during the Holocaust, alongside numerous others who succumbed under less thoroughly chronicled circumstances.

A key theme Snyder stresses is how Nazi and Soviet actions were interconnected in amplifying this human catastrophe. For instance, Soviet initial support for the Warsaw Uprising shifted to deliberate non-assistance, enabling Nazi forces to crush resistance before Soviet occupation—a dynamic that increased fatalities beyond what either regime might have inflicted alone.

Jacob Mikanowski highlights that Snyder challenges a camp-centric view by emphasizing mass shootings of Jewish populations in rural areas alongside those murdered in extermination camps. Anne Applebaum notes that most victims never entered concentration camps. Similarly, many Soviet casualties occurred outside Gulags; over three million Soviet prisoners of war died in Nazi captivity, while more than half a million German POWs perished in Soviet camps.

Snyder structures his examination into three phases: widespread famine and executions within the Soviet Union (1933–1938); mass shootings by both regimes in occupied Poland (1939–1941); and from 1941 to 1945, the intentional starvation of approximately 3.1 million Soviet POWs plus systematic killing of over five million Jews by German forces. He revisits events including the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, Polish efforts to rescue Jews, as well as postwar Soviet suppression of Polish resistance fighters and prisoners of war.

The section addressing the early 1930s Ukrainian famine recounts severe hardship marked by instances of cannibalism among starving children. About 3.3 million people died during this famine. Under Hitler's Hunger Plan, an estimated 4.2 million individuals—primarily Ukrainians, Belarusians, and Russians—were deliberately starved within the Soviet Union.

Snyder draws attention to commonalities between these governments: both employed mass murder as a means to rationalize their policies, attributing catastrophic failures to enemies while striving for radical societal transformation through terror.

He also documents pre-1941 cooperation such as Gestapo–NKVD meetings and joint suppression of Polish citizens; together these agencies killed roughly 200,000 Poles between 1939 and 1941. Applebaum points out their alliance during Poland's occupation and aligned interests as adversaries during episodes like the Warsaw Uprising, where Stalin’s refusal to intervene enabled Nazis to eliminate potential communist rivals. These regimes frequently provoked escalations that increased death tolls beyond what either could have caused individually.

Snyder concludes that following Western Allies’ alliance with Stalin against Hitler, there was insufficient resolve to confront the second totalitarian regime after the war. Since Western forces did not enter Eastern Europe militarily postwar, these tragedies remained largely obscured in Western consciousness, fostering narratives of Western abandonment.

Death Toll Estimates

Timothy Snyder approximates the total fatalities in the "Bloodlands" region at around 14 million, encompassing victims of Stalin and Hitler. This figure includes Jewish civilians deported to German camps in occupied Poland during World War II, members of the Polish intelligentsia murdered in atrocities such as the Katyn massacre, unarmed military personnel, and prisoners of war. His calculation deliberately excludes combat-related military deaths, concentrating instead on fatalities resulting from "intentional mass murder policies," including executions, starvation campaigns, and death camps. The geographical area covered by Snyder consists of Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, the Baltic countries, and western Russian territories under German occupation. He characterizes his numbers as "conservative."[6]

Snyder’s detailed victim count within the 14 million includes:[6]

  • Approximately 3.3 million individuals perished due to "the Soviet Famines," predominantly Ukrainians; Stalin’s objective was the eradication of Ukrainians and ethnic Poles opposing collectivization in the Soviet Union.
  • Around 300,000 people died during the Great Purge (1937–1938), largely targeting Poles and Ukrainians because of their ethnicity; this figure does not account for an additional 400,000 Great Purge deaths outside the "Bloodlands."
  • An estimated 200,000 Poles lost their lives between 1939 and 1941 in occupied Poland, with casualties roughly split between the two regimes; victims encompassed civilians and military detainees like those executed in the Katyn massacre. Both Stalin and Hitler aimed to eliminate Polish leadership.
  • Approximately 4.2 million died as a result of the German Hunger Plan in the Soviet Union, mainly Russians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians; Hitler intended to exterminate up to 45 million Poles, Ukrainians, Belarusians, and Czechs via starvation under Generalplan Ost.
  • About 5.4 million Jewish individuals were victims of the Holocaust within the Bloodlands area (excluding an additional 300,000 deaths outside this region).
  • Some 700,000 civilians—primarily Belarusians and Poles—were executed by German forces in retaliatory actions during the occupation of Belarus by Nazi Germany and the Warsaw Uprising of 1944.

In February 2011, the Ottawa Citizen characterized Bloodlands as "a chilling and instructive story of how 14 million unarmed men, women and children were murdered," emphasizing key victim groups such as 5.7 million Jews during the Holocaust and 3.3 million Ukrainians who died in Stalin’s engineered famine (1932–1933), alongside three million Soviet prisoners of war deliberately starved.[7]

By November 2012, historian Dariusz Stola pointed out that Snyder’s narrow definition excludes deaths caused by mistreatment, disease, malnutrition within camps or deportations, or those who perished while fleeing armies—even when displacement was compulsory due to military operations.[4]

Critical Reception

Bloodlands sparked extensive discussion among scholars, receiving reviews that ranged from sharply critical to overwhelmingly laudatory. Historian Jacques Sémelin observed that although many commentators praised Snyder’s tour de force, they also presented pointed critiques concerning its chronological organization, geographic boundaries, victim estimates, and limited examination of interactions among perpetrators. Nevertheless, Sémelin recognized that Bloodlands significantly altered understandings of this historical era.

The work gained positive coverage in mainstream outlets such as BBC History, The Seattle Times, and The New York Observer. Historian Robert Gerwarth described it in the Irish Times as "an impeccably researched history of mass killings in mid-20th-century Eastern Europe."

Academic reviews

Leading historians have lauded Bloodlands. Tony Judt described it as "the most significant book on this topic in decades." Wendy Lower praised it as a "masterful synthesis," while John Connelly emphasized its "morally engaged scholarship," and Christopher Browning called it "remarkable." Dennis Showalter remarked that the work marked a new pinnacle in Snyder’s academic career. Mark Roseman underscored its principal accomplishment in reshaping the understanding of Nazi and Soviet violence.

Nonetheless, the book attracted sharp critiques from specialists in Nazism and Stalinism. In a 2010 review for London Review of Books, Richard J. Evans contended that the absence of a causal framework rendered the book "useless," disputing Snyder’s parallel between Nazi genocide and Soviet mass killings. Evans later acknowledged that his criticism was partly shaped by Snyder’s earlier unfavorable assessment of his research.

In 2011, Omer Bartov recognized the book’s integrative effort but faulted it for not introducing new evidence or arguments and for exhibiting a pro-Polish perspective that minimized interethnic violence and blurred moral distinctions between occupiers and resistance fighters.

In contrast, Raymond Gawronski, writing in 2012, commended the book for weaving together varied historical accounts with attentiveness to the experiences of different groups, applauding Snyder’s equitable treatment of Jewish and other communities’ suffering.

A dedicated forum published in Contemporary European History (May 2012) gathered assessments from academics such as Jörg Baberowski, Dan Diner, Thomas Kühne, and Mark Mazower, along with a reply from Snyder. Kühne highlighted the political sensitivity involved in comparing Soviet and Nazi atrocities, cautioning that such analogies are sometimes exploited by right-wing factions to blur distinctions between perpetrators and victims. Mazower dismissed simplistic parallels to earlier controversial theories and praised Snyder’s innovative geopolitical perspective.

Jörg Baberowski criticized Snyder for insufficiently linking the Jewish genocide to Stalinist brutality, whereas Dan Diner lamented the lack of attention to Polish–Russian historical dynamics pertinent to Soviet crimes.

In 2018, historian Dan Michman noted that although Bloodlands provided a novel viewpoint, it marginalized broader Holocaust contexts, including earlier persecution phases and Western European experiences. Michman had previously expressed doubts about the notion of a 'bloodlands' region adequately explaining the Holocaust, emphasizing that the Holocaust was a complex process extending beyond specific killing sites.

On balance, Bloodlands stands as an influential yet debated contribution within Holocaust studies and Eastern European historical scholarship.

Popular press reviews

During a 2010 public discussion in The Guardian, Efraim Zuroff criticized the book for implying moral equivalence between Soviet mass killings and the Nazi Holocaust, accusing Snyder of endorsing the double genocide theory by stressing the significance of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. Meanwhile, Dovid Katz recognized Snyder as a "truly great historian" but pointed out that he had fallen into a narrative trap set by Baltic nationalists, although Snyder also incorporated elements that challenged this viewpoint. Snyder responded by reaffirming the Holocaust’s central importance while underscoring Stalin’s role in facilitating Hitler’s crimes.

In October 2010, Neal Ascherson wrote in The Guardian that Snyder’s research combines extensive new findings on Soviet and Nazi atrocities to deliver a definitive account centered on intentional mass murder of civilians—both Jewish and non-Jewish—within a defined area and period.

In November 2010, Guy Walters of the Financial Times described the book as unsettling but praised its unveiling of previously inaccessible sources rarely examined by Western scholars. He noted that its strength lies in meticulous research despite some debate over its geographical parameters.

Writing for The New York Review of Books in November 2010, Anne Applebaum emphasized Snyder’s distinctive method of jointly analyzing Nazi and Soviet crimes, illustrating how their interplay escalated mass violence beyond what either regime might have inflicted independently.

Conversely, in September 2014, Daniel Lazare criticized Bloodlands in Jacobin for oversimplifying Eastern European mass fatalities by attributing them primarily to Hitler and Stalin. He also questioned Snyder’s claim that anti-communist anxieties constrained support from the Home Army to the Jewish Combat Organization during the Warsaw Ghetto uprising.

Awards

Bloodlands garnered a wide array of accolades, such as the Cundill Prize Recognition of Excellence, Le Prix du livre d'Histoire de l'Europe 2013, the Moczarski Prize in History, the Literature Award, American Academy of Arts and Letters, the Leipzig Book Prize for European Understanding, the Phi Beta Kappa Society Emerson Book Award, the Gustav Ranis International History Prize, the Jean-Charles Velge Prize, the Tadeusz Walendowski Book Prize, and the Wacław Jędrzejewicz History Medal. Additionally, it was shortlisted for honors including the Duff Cooper Prize, Wayne S. Vucinich Prize (ASEEES), Austrian Scholarly Book of the Year, and the NDR Kultur Sachbuchpreis 2011, while also receiving a Jury commendation at the Bristol Festival of Ideas. The work was awarded the 2013 Hannah Arendt Prize for Political Thought.

Prominent publications recognized Bloodlands as one of their books of the year; these include The Atlantic, The Daily Telegraph, The Economist, the Financial Times, The Independent, The Jewish Daily Forward, The New Republic, New Statesman, Reason (magazine), and The Seattle Times.

See also

External links

  1. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Anne Applebaum
  2. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Globe review
  3. ↑ Snyder, Timothy (10 March 2011). "Hitler vs. Stalin: Who Killed More?" The New York Review of Books. Retrieved 25 December 2020.
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Sémelin 2013
  5. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Mikanowski 2019
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Timothy Snyder 2010, pp. 410–412
  7. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named ottawacitizen