Breaker Morant

Breaker Morant
Born	Edwin Henry Murrant Template:Birth date Bridgwater, Somerset, England
Died	February 27, 1902(1902-02-27) (aged 37)
Occupation(s)	Equestrian, bush poet, military officer
Known for	Execution for war crimes during the Second Boer War; bush balladist; horsemanship

Harry Harbord "Breaker" Morant (originally named Edwin Henry Murrant, born 9 December 1864 – died 27 February 1902) was an English equestrian, bush poet, military officer, and war criminal who was found guilty and executed for the killing of nine prisoners-of-war (POWs) and three civilians during the Second Boer War.

In 1883, Morant relocated to the Australian colonies, where he worked in Queensland, New South Wales, and South Australia. During this period, he became known for his horsemanship and contributions as a bush balladist. In 1899, he joined the South Australian Mounted Rifles' second contingent dispatched to South Africa. Rising from corporal to sergeant, he mainly fulfilled duties as a despatch rider. After a brief return to England to settle financial matters, Morant received a commission as a lieutenant with the irregular Bushveldt Carbineers in South Africa.

He faced a court-martial for murder while on active duty—one of the earliest such cases in British military history. The prosecution claimed that Morant carried out retaliatory killings of Boer POWs and civilians in Northern Transvaal following the death of his squadron commander. His defense lawyer, Major James Francis Thomas, maintained that their actions were carried out under orders forbidding the taking of prisoners, though no such orders were definitively proven.

Morant stood accused of the summary execution of Floris Visser, a wounded POW, along with the deaths of four Afrikaners and four Dutch schoolteachers who had surrendered at Elim Hospital; five of these victims belonged to the Soutpansberg Commando. Convicted on these counts, Morant was sentenced to death. Alongside Lieutenant Peter Handcock, he was also tried for the murder of Reverend Carl August Daniel Heese, a missionary attending to the Elim victims; they were acquitted of this charge but were executed by firing squad on 27 February 1902 for the other murders.

Morant and Handcock have since become emblematic figures in Australian folklore, representing a move toward national autonomy away from British governance. Their trial and execution inspired numerous works including books, theatrical productions, and Bruce Beresford’s acclaimed 1980 film Breaker Morant, which brought their narrative to international prominence and established them as Australian icons and martyrs. Despite compelling evidence against them, some Australians regard them as scapegoats or victims of judicial injustice, advocating for posthumous pardons or new trials.

South African historian Charles Leach observes that many South Africans—particularly descendants of those killed—believe justice was not fully served, pointing to notorious individuals like Captain Alfred Taylor who avoided prosecution.

Early life in England

Edwin Henry Murrant was born on 9 December 1864 in Bridgwater, Somerset, England. He was the son of Edwin and Catherine Murrant (née O'Reilly), who served respectively as master and matron of the Union Workhouse at Bridgwater. His father passed away four months prior to his birth. Although facing diminished financial circumstances, Catherine ensured he received an education at the local Royal Masonic Institution for Boys, where he earned awards but also exhibited disciplinary issues. Catherine retired from her workhouse position in 1882 and died in 1899.

Australia (1883–1899)

Morant, originally named Edwin Murrant, arrived in Queensland aboard the SS Waroonga in June 1883. At that time, he did not consider himself Australian, a fact highlighted by his defence attorney Major James Francis Thomas. Shortly after his arrival, he became part of a travelling circus and rodeo heading toward the mining settlement of Charters Towers, where his equestrian skills and social activities attracted local notice. Working as a stockman at Fanning Downs Station near Charters Towers, he encountered governess Daisy May O'Dwyer; they married in March 1884 but separated soon after due to financial struggles and unpaid debts.

Within weeks, Morant was charged with theft but was found not guilty; Daisy May, who later gained recognition as anthropologist Daisy Bates, never divorced him nor disclosed their past connection. He subsequently adopted the name Harry Harbord Morant and used various aliases to avoid creditors. Assertions regarding aristocratic descent and naval schooling were refuted by official documents and Admiral Sir George Digby Morant’s denial of any familial link.

Over the next fifteen years, Morant held diverse positions throughout Queensland, New South Wales, and South Australia, including horse-breaker, drover, journalist, bookkeeper, and storeman. Renowned for his outstanding horsemanship—especially in steeplechase and polo—he also developed a reputation as a heavy drinker and womanizer. His personality was characterized by physical bravery but a lack of ethical standards and financial prudence.

Morant often took advantage of others’ generosity, frequently neglecting to settle debts and fleeing before facing repercussions. In 1889, he was convicted for obtaining money by false pretences related to horse transactions and sentenced to hard labour. Additionally, he gained notoriety for cruelty toward animals and instigating altercations with Aboriginal stockmen.

Starting in 1891, Morant contributed bush ballads under multiple pseudonyms to The Bulletin, supporting his lifestyle through writing while associating with well-known poets such as Henry Lawson and Banjo Paterson. His exceptional horsemanship was demonstrated in 1897 at the Hawkesbury Show when he successfully tamed a notoriously wild brumby, earning him the moniker "The Breaker."

By 1898, Morant had integrated into Sydney’s hunt club circles where he met prominent individuals including solicitor Robert Lenehan and Lieutenant Colonel Henry Parke Airey—who would later act as his defence counsel during his South African court martial. Despite this social advancement, legal issues continued; a summons for public drunkenness went unserved as Morant fled to northeastern New South Wales.

Approaching his mid-thirties around 1900, Morant’s financial difficulties intensified amid mounting pressure from creditors. He frequently relocated among cities such as Melbourne and Adelaide before settling temporarily near Renmark by claiming familial ties to the local Morant family to gain support. With limited opportunities remaining in Australia, he established a rifle club group and returned to Adelaide to enlist for service in the Second Boer War.

To South Africa

On 13 January 1900, under the name Henry Horland Morrant, he enlisted with the second contingent of the South Australian Mounted Rifles (SAMR) in Adelaide for deployment in the Second Boer War. Volunteers signed an agreement committing to serve until 17 October 1900 under the King's Regulations and Articles of War. Following training, Morant was promoted to corporal and departed for the South African Republic with the contingent on 26 January 1900.

Arriving in Cape Town on 27 February 1900, the unit was initially stationed at Prieska, joining Major General Herbert Kitchener’s forces. They proceeded to De Aar then onward to Bloemfontein, linking up with Australian troops advancing toward Pretoria under Field Marshal Frederick Roberts. The Cavalry Division commanded by Lieutenant General John French struggled with poor-quality horses sourced mainly from Argentina and Hungary. Recognizing Morant’s riding expertise, French reassigned him to the remount section where he trained new horses and acquired superior mounts through unconventional methods. Morant also served as a despatch rider on French’s staff.

After Pretoria fell, Colonel Joseph Maria Gordon recommended Morant as despatch rider to Bennet Burleigh, war correspondent for the London Daily Telegraph. Taking on this role in late June 1900 ended his British Army pay by 31 July 1900. His courage and horsemanship ensured timely delivery of Burleigh’s dispatches to telegraph stations. They followed Lord Roberts’ advance from Pretoria to the border with Portuguese East Africa, with Burleigh present in Durban when Roberts declared the conflict nearly concluded.

Visit to England

By the end of September 1900, with Burleigh aligning with Roberts' assessment that the conflict was nearing its conclusion, Morant opted to journey to England accompanied by the war correspondent. To preserve the possibility of returning to South Africa, he pursued a role within Major General Robert Baden-Powell's South African Constabulary, tasked with maintaining order in the occupied Boer territories. For support, Morant reached out to Lieutenant Percy Hunt, a British Army officer and fellow polo enthusiast.

Their acquaintance quickly developed into friendship. Hunt, an aristocratic officer nearly a decade younger than Morant and well-connected socially, offered valuable contacts in London. In October, the Second Contingent of the SAMR sailed back to South Australia, with its commanding officer commending Morant for his "soldierly behaviour and continual alertness."

Morant and Burleigh arrived in Cape Town in late October, lodging at the prestigious Belmond Mount Nelson Hotel while awaiting passage to England. Morant professed insufficient funds to cover his hotel expenses but assured payment through Admiral Morant in Devon; the hotel manager consented. They departed aboard the Dunvegan Castle, reaching London by late November.

Shortly after arriving, Morant visited South Australia's Agent-General, former Premier Sir John Cockburn, asserting he had been commissioned as a lieutenant in the South African Constabulary. He forwarded a report to Adelaide journalists, which appeared a month later but contained three inaccuracies: that he was Colonel Morant of Renmark's son; that he held an official commission; and that he was on half-year leave before resuming his post.

A letter dated 23 January 1901 from Mount Nelson Hotel addressed to Admiral Morant indicated that Harry Morant had stayed there in November 1900, claiming to be the Admiral's son and a correspondent for the Daily Telegraph, yet departed without settling a debt of sixteen pounds thirteen shillings. The hotel sought instructions before initiating legal proceedings. The correspondence reached Brockenhurst Park, a Morant family estate branch, but not the Admiral himself. Flora Morant, related by marriage, formally replied that the Admiral was unfamiliar with Harry and would not assume responsibility for his debts.

In early February, Morant took part in Queen Victoria's funeral procession dressed in a South African Constabulary lieutenant's uniform. An Australian journalist identified him as "Lieutenant Morant" visiting acquaintances in Devonshire. However, he did not hold any official rank or commission at that time.

Morant's stay in England proved largely fruitless. Primarily residing with his unmarried sister Annie—who harbored resentment over his absence and lack of correspondence—his trips into London only underscored his unimpressive situation. According to FitzSimons, faced with no prospects in England and barred from returning to Australia due to debts and criminal records, Morant left for South Africa in March 1901 seeking fresh opportunities despite lacking any formal commission.

With the Bushveldt Carbineers

After suffering setbacks between 1899 and 1900, the bittereinders—Boers dedicated to resisting British forces until the very end—initiated a guerrilla warfare campaign. In retaliation, Baron Kitchener, who had risen to lieutenant general and overall commander of British troops in South Africa, intensified counterinsurgency measures. These included the destruction of Boer farms and the internment of Afrikaner civilians in concentration camps. Rations for families linked to known bittereinders were reduced by half. Lacking civilian assistance, Boer commandos resorted to derailing trains to capture supplies destined for British units.

To suppress commando operations in northern Transvaal, loyalist entrepreneurs from the Zoutpansberg region petitioned Kitchener to authorize raising an irregular mounted infantry regiment composed of loyalist Boers. Formed in February 1901 as the Bushveldt Mounted Rifles and soon renamed the Bushveldt Carbineers (BVC), recruitment fell short of the targeted 500 men. Consequently, Australian Major Robert Lenehan received permission to enlist experienced Australians and other colonial volunteers. By late March, the BVC, numbering 320, joined Brigadier General Herbert Plumer’s column advancing toward Pietersburg.

Upon arrival in South Africa, Morant was introduced to Lenehan, who commissioned him as a lieutenant on 1 April 1901. This appointment was partly based on Morant’s earlier service in South Africa and a fabricated claim of previous commission. The BVC took part in Plumer’s northward advance, securing Pietersburg by 8 April. The unit developed countermeasures against Boer sabotage of railway lines by employing prisoners as human mine detectors after uncovering further acts of sabotage.

Colonel Francis Hall was appointed commandant for the Pietersburg area, overseeing the BVC alongside two infantry battalions. Lenehan established BVC headquarters there, while Captain Alfred Taylor—known locally for his harsh methods—was assigned as district commissioner and head of intelligence.

Operating within the Zoutpansberg district, bordered by the Limpopo River and Waterberg mountains, the BVC saw action from this strategic area. On 4 May, Morant led No. 1 Troop of B Squadron from Pietersburg to set up a base at Strydpoort Pass near Potgietersrus. His deputy was Sergeant Frank Eland, a well-regarded local settler. Initial patrols successfully captured Boers without casualties; routine patrols and escort missions became standard. On 16 May, Morant relayed Kitchener’s commendation for the BVC’s effectiveness.

A concentration camp near Pietersburg began operations on 11 May, accommodating up to 4,000 Boers; during its short existence, it recorded significant mortality among women, children, and men. On 22 May, the BVC moved their camp slightly from Strydpoort Pass; Morant escorted Boer detainees to this facility.

In early June, Morant sought permission for an extended patrol but was denied. His associate Hunt secured a captaincy within the BVC by July through connections at the Pretoria Club. By late June, troops from B Squadron assembled at Pietersburg preparing for deployment northward; they were succeeded by elements from C Squadron.

On 4 July, a platoon of Gordon Highlanders guarding a train near Potgietersrus came under attack by approximately 150 Boers; ten soldiers were killed—including Lieutenant Alexander Best—Morant’s close friend—and eleven were wounded. That evening Morant led an unsuccessful patrol; Eland observed Morant’s visible distress over Best’s death. The following night, Morant took part in a night patrol led by Lieutenant Edwards, who faced accusations of excessive force during a house search; Edwards was briefly detained upon return. Morant later confided that Best and his men had been executed by Boers rather than dying in combat.

A Squadron at Sweetwaters Farm

In early June, Taylor led 60 men from A Squadron of the BVC, under the command of Captain James Robertson, to set up a base at Sweetwaters Farm, situated roughly north of Pietersberg in the Spelonken area. Among the officers was Veterinary Lieutenant Peter Handcock. Upon learning of the BVC's advance, a Boer commando led by Christiaan Frederik Beyers withdrew; however, former leader Tom Kelly soon reassembled his commando, opposing British control. Another Boer commander, Ben Viljoen, was also active in the vicinity, making the region considerably more unstable compared to the quieter patrol area of B Squadron.

Taylor enlisted local Boers as intelligence agents; A Squadron’s primary task was to act on information regarding Boer activities. Robertson proved to be an ineffective leader—lenient and mistrusted by his men, who noted he kept a loaded pistol close at hand. Shortly after their arrival, Taylor shot an African native who failed to provide details about Boer locations.

On 2 July, reports indicated that six Boers in two wagons were approaching Sweetwaters intending to surrender. Robertson instructed Sergeant Major Kenneth Morrison to dispatch a patrol to intercept and shoot them rather than take them prisoner, falsely claiming these orders came from Taylor, who had no such authority. Sergeant Dudley Oldham initially resisted but eventually complied under pressure.

Oldham’s patrol fired warning shots; the Boers—including a 12-year-old boy and an elderly sick man—offered no resistance and displayed white flags. After being disarmed, they were executed beside the road, with one shot while still inside his wagon. Taylor, Robertson, and Handcock later examined the bodies and arranged for local Africans to bury them. When Taylor questioned the grave diggers about what they would report concerning the shootings, they fled; Taylor then sent a patrol to locate and kill them. The oxen captured were sent to Taylor’s nearby Rhodesian farm with Morrison’s cooperation.

Barend van Buuren, a Boer trooper on Oldham’s patrol troubled by the executions, identified those involved to relatives of the deceased Boers held at camp. Handcock confronted van Buuren; the following day Taylor and Robertson ordered Handcock to kill him during a patrol out of fear he might reveal the incident. Handcock isolated van Buuren in dense bush and shot him three times. Robertson altered Handcock’s inadequate death report before submitting it. The body was never recovered for burial; some BVC members suspected that Handcock had murdered van Buuren rather than him being killed by Boers. Handcock threatened anyone who questioned his version.

In early July, intelligence from northern Transvaal reached Hall alleging "poor discipline, unconfirmed murders, drunkenness, and general lawlessness" in Spelonken, including claims that Robertson sexually assaulted a Boer woman. On 11 July—the afternoon of Best's funeral—Hall dispatched Hunt, Morant, Lieutenant Charles Hannam, and approximately 60 BVC troops from B Squadron to relieve Robertson and A Squadron; their orders included establishing a new base near Sweetwaters Farm named "Fort Edward" after King Edward VII. Hunt arrived on 13 July; Robertson and most of A Squadron departed for Pietersberg the following day. Only six troopers and a few officers remained with Hunt; Handcock stayed on Taylor’s recommendation. Eland observed that A Squadron members resented B Squadron’s arrival amid rumors that some A Squadron personnel faced possible murder charges. Before leaving Pietersburg, Hunt delivered two polo ponies to Kitchener’s residence in Pretoria where he reportedly learned from Colonel Hubert Hamilton that Zoutpansberg was to be cleared of Boers without taking prisoners. Hunt passed on these orders but his officers continued capturing prisoners until after his death despite objections.

Robertson was given the choice between court martial or resignation; he opted to resign and left military service.

B Squadron at Fort Edward

As Fort Edward was being constructed—with features such as barbed wire fences, picket barricades, and defensive trenches—patrol operations commenced. On 16 July, Hannam led a fifteen-man patrol equipped with four days' provisions to address disturbances near the Letaba River. The fort's official opening took place on 18 July, accompanied by a parade and celebrations. Among the attendees was Reverend Fritz Reuter from the Berlin Missionary Society, who managed the nearby Mendingen Mission. Reuter, acquainted with the Eland family, informed Hunt that Viljoen’s commando was troubling local residents from a camp in Duivelskloof close to the mission. In response, Hunt dispatched an escort to safeguard Reuter’s family and verify Viljoen’s whereabouts.

The day following the inauguration, Lieutenant Picton led a twenty-man patrol to rendezvous with a supply convoy arriving from Pietersberg. During this journey, several jars of rum were stolen, resulting in arrests including Sergeant Major Morrison of B Squadron, who had remained behind when A Squadron departed. Morrison escaped from Fort Edward on 24 July; a pursuing patrol eventually caught up at the location where the rum was concealed and joined him in drinking before continuing to Pietersberg. After questioning, Lenehan released all nine individuals involved and instructed Morrison and Gray to leave Pietersberg. Nevertheless, heavy drinking continued at Fort Edward under Hunt’s leadership.

On 27 July, Hunt and Handcock left Fort Edward heading toward the Ellerton gold mine, situated approximately away. Hunt anticipated meeting a contact at Fonseca’s store but no one appeared. Instead, they encountered George Anderson, the caretaker of Ellerton mine who had recently returned after being expelled by Boers. Anderson reported difficulties with the Lobedu people refusing to share information about Boer movements and mentioned a Boer commando of around 300 men under Viljoen nearby. Due to his local connections, Eland was assigned an unarmed liaison role with the Lobedu while dressed in civilian clothes; he visited his farm "Ravenshill," saw his mother, and collected important intelligence on Boer activities. He returned on 30 July escorted by Lieutenant Hannam along with three Boer prisoners captured near Mendingen Mission. At that time, few BVC personnel remained at Fort Edward since Morant and Picton were out on patrols. Hunt commended Eland’s work and passed the gathered intelligence to Taylor for transmission to Pietersburg.

Morant’s patrol came back on 31 July with eighteen Boer prisoners, their families, fifteen wagons, thirty rifles, and five hundred cattle. Hunt criticized Morant for bringing prisoners due to the additional burden on scarce rations and manpower required for guarding them. Shortly afterward, a scouting party spotted eighteen Boers accompanied by about twice as many horses roughly away; a large force was sent out to engage them.

On 1 August, Picton’s B Squadron patrol captured two Boers close to the fort before ambushing and seizing seven wagons, two Cape carts, fourteen Boers, seventeen rifles with ammunition, approximately fifty women and children, as well as cattle. Pursuing a group led by farmer Klopper, they obtained detailed information from a local chief’s kraal and surprised the party, capturing thirteen more Boers along with women and children. The patrol began their slow return trip on 5 August—three days in duration—due to managing the wagons and cattle while being about from Fort Edward.

On 3 August, Lieutenant George Witton arrived at Fort Edward with twenty reinforcements—including Sergeant Major Ernest Hammett replacing Morrison—coming from Pietersburg; Lieutenant Hannam met them en route. Upon arrival Witton met Morant and Handcock; Picton’s patrol was still returning while Hunt had recently departed with seventeen men. During this period at Fort Edward, Morant and Handcock displayed cruelty toward a captured monkey but behaved kindly toward Boer children held there before their transfer to the Pietersburg concentration camp.

Assault at Duivelskloof and Captain Hunt's Demise

A unit dispatched to safeguard Reuter and his family conducted a scouting mission to track down Viljoen's commando. At daybreak on 30 July, BVC Trooper James Christie, a farmer from New Zealand, reported discovering a Boer laager consisting of approximately twenty men serving as a supply base for a larger encampment in the Modjadji mountains, where Viljoen was stationed with 80 to 100 fighters. In reaction, Hunt gathered fifteen BVC soldiers and departed on the evening of 3 August, leaving Morant in charge at Fort Edward and bringing Eland along despite objections. Their initial objective was to rendezvous with Christie at Buffelsberg and launch a night assault on the laager.

The group paused at Schiel farm, where intelligence scout Tony Schiel joined them. African tribal informants advised Hunt that Viljoen was positioned at a farmhouse in Duivelskloof with a small contingent. Hunt elected to prioritize an attack on Viljoen’s location rather than the laager. He instructed Eland to recruit local African tribesmen for support. The reinforced party traveled overnight, reaching Reuter’s mission station around 9 pm on 5 August. Reuter cautioned Hunt about the risks of assaulting the farmhouse, situated in a rocky ravine with limited escape routes, and mentioned that Viljoen had fifteen men inside plus another forty nearby who could encircle them. Hunt acknowledged these warnings and departed the mission at 11:30 pm, advising his sergeants that if he were shot, they should retreat before dawn.

In the early morning hours of 6 August, Hunt’s unit approached the farmhouse on foot. The structure consisted of living quarters flanked by stables. Hunt intended to demand the Boers’ surrender before ordering an attack led by fifty tribesmen under Silke’s command. Barend Viljoen and his men were alert, having kept watch on Hunt’s approach since the previous day. When Hunt called for surrender, gunfire erupted immediately. Most BVC soldiers sought cover; Hunt advanced while firing but was struck in the chest near the farmhouse entrance. Eland also sustained severe wounds. Silke attempted to send his tribesmen forward, but they withdrew.

Based on Hendrik Adriaan Jacobs’ memoirs, the Viljoen Commando was aware of the impending attack but debilitated by malaria. Jacobs described firing at Hunt’s group through a window as chaos broke out with both sides exchanging gunfire. Captain Hunt was shot through the chest; Sergeant Frank Eland died attempting to assist him; and Barend Viljoen, his brother J.J., along with G. Hartzenberg were killed as well. Both parties left their casualties behind during their respective withdrawals.

At Medingen Mission Station, Reverend Reuter received contradictory reports from survivors regarding their officers' fates. Many years later, Reuter’s daughter recalled her father confronting those who had abandoned their captain.

Captain Hunt’s body was subsequently discovered stripped of clothing, his neck broken, face trampled by a hobnailed boot, and legs slashed with a knife. Historian Leach proposes that the broken neck might have resulted from falling down stairs after being wounded; similar mutilations were observed on Boer corpses. Each side accused the other of these acts of mutilation, though Hendrik Jacobs attributed them to Lobedu witch-doctors. Anthropologist Henri Junod documented Lobedu customs involving disembowelment of deceased warriors to release their spirits.

Captain Percy Hunt was interred at Medingen Mission Station with a cross later placed by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission. Sergeant Eland was laid to rest at his family’s Ravenshill Farm following a service conducted by Reverend Reuter.

Revenge killings

Upon receiving the news of Hunt's demise at the fort, Morant immediately dispatched every available soldier on patrol and broke down while announcing the tragic event. Captain Taylor then instructed the patrol to retaliate for their captain’s death with orders to "Give no quarter".

Morant did not personally view Hunt’s body, arriving roughly an hour after the burial had taken place. Firm in his belief that Hunt had been executed unlawfully, Morant renewed his vow to take no prisoners. According to Witton, Morant confessed to having previously disregarded Hunt’s directives but pledged to enforce them rigorously from then on.

Floris Visser

On 9 August 1901, Morant deployed troops to protect the Mendingen Mission, which was under threat from Boers intent on burning it due to Reverend Reuter’s association with British forces. Rev. Reuter, a former soldier in the Prussian Army, had repeatedly provoked Boer Commandos by breaching the neutrality expected of missionaries. Some Lobedu warriors allied with Hunt were members of Reuter’s congregation, and Reuter was said to have supplied ammunition for an assault on Viljoen Farm. As a result, General Christian Frederick Beyers warned Reuter of repercussions if he continued assisting British troops.

After departing from Mendingen Mission, Morant led his patrol—comprising Bushveldt Carbineers and Lobedu warriors—in pursuit of the retreating Letaba Commando. Upon locating their camp, Morant opened fire from approximately 2,000 yards but refrained from advancing, allowing the Commando members to disperse.

One individual left behind was Floris Visser, a 20-year-old who was unable to walk or ride and was discovered hiding beneath a wagon. Morant interrogated Visser, promising clemency if he told the truth but death if he lied. Visser persistently denied claims that Hunt had been murdered rather than killed in combat and disclosed Boer plans to join Beyers’ Commando.

Visser was transported roughly fifteen miles in a cape cart while Morant and his officers arranged a court-martial. Despite assurances that honesty would spare his life, Visser was condemned. Although some troopers opposed executing him, Morant insisted on carrying out the sentence.

The firing squad executed Visser following a war dance performed by Lobedu warriors. Lieutenant Harry Picton delivered the final shot. Morant defended the execution by citing the mistreatment of Captain Hunt by Boers; however, some troopers disagreed with this justification and resented the order.

Visser’s burial was conducted by Lobedu near Blas Perreira’s Shop along the Koedoes River. Despite having revealed information that endangered fellow soldiers, his name was later added posthumously to the Soutpansberg Commando Roll of Honour.

Upon returning to Fort Edward, Morant’s unit discovered reinforcements had arrived just in time to repel a Boer assault on the fort, resulting in one Carbineer wounded and several horses lost.

Following Visser’s execution, loyal African auxiliaries refused to disclose Boer locations; when one defied Captain Taylor’s commands, he was shot dead. Additional killings followed.

The Eight Boers Case

On 20 August 1901, Captain Taylor received intelligence from his agent Henry Ledeboer that eight Boer prisoners had surrendered near the Swiss-run Elim Hospital. Sergeant J.C. Wrench of the BVC and a patrol were dispatched to assume control of these prisoners. Before departing, Corporal Albert van der Westhuizen reminded Sergeant Wrench that Morant had ordered no further prisoners be taken to avoid ration shortages.

Upon arrival at Elim Hospital, Sergeant Wrench’s patrol encountered Lieutenants Morant, Handcock, and Witton along with other troopers. Lieutenant Morant instructed Sergeant Wrench’s group to return to Fort Edward as an advance guard and directed them to scout ahead but withdraw if gunfire was heard.

At Elim Hospital, Reverend Carl August Daniel Heese of the Berlin Missionary Society observed the troopers. At Australian Intelligence Officer Captain Frederick de Bertodano’s request, Reverend Heese had brought a British Army Intelligence Scout named Mr. Craig for medical treatment. Upon returning home, Heese recognized one of the eight prisoners.

Only four of these prisoners were Afrikaners; the remainder were Dutch schoolteachers contracted from Amsterdam, including W.D. Vahrmeijer, formerly head teacher at Emmanuel School in Potgietersrus.

Johanna Heese later wrote that her husband comforted prisoners who feared their fate despite surrendering voluntarily. Guards became hostile toward Reverend Heese for speaking with them and ordered him onto a wagon as a prisoner; he refused citing a pass permitting free movement.

Trooper van der Westhuizen recalled hearing three signal shots fired by Intelligence operatives Ledeboer and Schwartz intended to simulate a Boer attack, followed by gunfire from behind signaling execution of prisoners. After hearing these shots, they continued riding and later encountered Captain Taylor; Sergeant Wrench denied hearing any shots to avoid repercussions.

Among those killed were C.P.J. Smit, M. Logenaar, M. Baaukens, W.D. Vahrmeijer, G.K. Westerhof, B. Wouters, and J.J. Du Preez.

In his memoirs, Lieutenant George Witton claimed one victim lunged at him before execution; Ledeboer told him this man was "a notorious scoundrel" leading marauders. All eight victims were buried together in a mass grave.

Historian Charles Leach identified this individual as Carl P.J. Smit, who was actually a Deacon in his Dutch Reformed Church parish. Trooper van der Westhuizen suggested Smit’s inclusion among prisoners might have been influenced by a debt owed by Ledeboer’s father-in-law to Smit.

Although Bushveldt Carbineers asserted all eight were Commando members, only five—Westerhof, Smit, Logenaar, Du Preez, and Pauskie—were officially recorded on the Soutpansberg Commando Roll of Honour.

Rev. Daniel Heese

Approximately one week later, it was reported that Reverend Heese had been discovered shot dead along the Pietersburg road, situated roughly from the fort, while he was on his way to inform British officials about the actions of Morant and his unit.

Captain de Bertodano later recounted that in late August 1901, he received an urgent telegram requesting Reverend Heese’s return to the Mission Station at P.P. Rust. Upon inquiry at Fort Edward regarding Heese’s detention, he was informed that Heese would be departing shortly. However, by August 29, a subsequent communication revealed that Reverend Heese had been fatally shot by Boers near Bandolier Koopjes, approximately 15 miles from Fort Edward. De Bertodano expressed skepticism about this explanation.

As reports of misconduct by the Carbineers reached Pietersburg, de Bertodano launched an inquiry but encountered obstacles due to the telegraph line at Fort Edward being conveniently "out of order." To circumvent this, he dispatched two native scouts to discreetly collect information by interviewing Black South African servants attached to the Bushveldt Carbineers and Captain Taylor’s personnel. One scout returned with accounts of Boer prisoner-of-war killings and the assassination of Reverend Heese, allegedly ordered by Morant and executed by Lieutenant Peter Handcock.

Reverend Krause, Superintendent of the Berlin Missionary Society based in Pietersburg, also questioned the official narrative. Secretly, he sent Pastors Sonntag and Endelmann to investigate the Bandolierkop vicinity.

According to the Mission Head Office in Berlin, between 8 and 11 September 1901, these pastors located and marked Reverend Heese’s grave for eventual reinterment at Makapaanspoort Mission Station. They also discovered and buried an unburied Black servant’s remains nearby but found no further evidence clarifying the motives behind the murder.

In October 1901, records from the Berlin Mission Society indicate that English soldiers exhumed Heese’s body, encased it in a tin-lined coffin, and conducted a formal burial ceremony at the Swiss Mission Station Elim on 30 October. The service featured missionaries and British officers who delivered speeches and funeral hymns commemorating Heese.

South African historian Charles Leach observes that many scholars believe the prosecution of other Bushveldt Carbineers’ killings would likely not have occurred without the murder of Reverend Heese.

The Three Boers Case

Responding to intelligence about three armed Boer commandos approaching the fort, Morant led Lieutenant Handcock and others to intercept them. After the Boers surrendered under a white flag, they were disarmed and subsequently executed.

Later that day, Major Lenehan arrived at Fort Edward. Morant persuaded him to authorize a patrol aimed at capturing Field-cornet Kelly, an Irish-Boer commando who had fought against British forces and returned home instead of surrendering.

On 16 September 1901, Morant’s patrol set out with instructions to apprehend Kelly alive if feasible. After covering approximately 130 miles within a week, they approached Kelly’s laager on foot and caught the Boers by surprise. Morant took Kelly into custody at gunpoint. A week later, they returned safely to Fort Edward with Kelly’s group and escorted them to Pietersburg. Colonel Hall commended Morant for the mission’s success before Morant commenced a two-week leave.

The letter

On 4 October 1901, a confidential letter bearing the signatures of 15 members of the Bushveldt Carbineers (BVC) stationed at Fort Edward was dispatched to Colonel F.H. Hall, the British Army Officer Commanding at Pietersburg. The letter, authored by Trooper Robert Mitchell Cochrane—a former Justice of the Peace from Western Australia—leveled accusations against personnel at Fort Edward concerning six grave incidents:

1. The execution of six Afrikaner men and boys who had surrendered at Valdezia on 2 July 1901, an order attributed to Captains Alfred Taylor and James Huntley Robertson, with the killings carried out by Sergeant Oldham and members of the BVC.
2. The fatal shooting of BVC Trooper B.J. van Buuren by Lieutenant Peter Handcock on 4 July 1901; van Buuren had opposed the Valdezia executions and had informed the victims’ relatives.
3. The retaliatory killing of wounded prisoner of war Floris Visser near Koedoes River on 11 August 1901, commanded by Lieutenant Morant and executed by a firing squad including Troopers Petrie, Gill, Witton, Botha, with Lieutenant Harry Picton delivering the coup de grâce.
4. The killing of four surrendered Afrikaners along with four Dutch schoolteachers detained at Elim Hospital on 23 August 1901, under orders from Captain Taylor and Lieutenant Morant; witnesses also reported that three Native South Africans were killed during this event.
5. The ambush and murder of Reverend Carl August Daniel Heese near Bandolierkop on 23 August 1901; Heese had protested against the earlier killings that same day. Trooper Cochrane implicated Lieutenant Handcock as responsible; Heese’s driver was also killed.
6. Orders issued by Lieutenant Charles H.G. Hannam to open fire on a wagon train carrying Afrikaner women and children surrendering at Fort Edward on 5 September 1901, resulting in two boys killed and one girl wounded.
7. The shooting of Roelf van Staden and his sons near Fort Edward on 7 September 1901 as they attempted to surrender seeking medical assistance; they were reportedly forced to dig their own graves before being executed by Lieutenants Morant and Handcock alongside other BVC members.

The letter further accused BVC Field Commander Major Robert Lenehan of complicity in these offenses. It demanded a thorough investigation by Imperial officers to reveal the facts and administer justice. Emphasizing that many signatories were Australians or Afrikaners unwilling to accept association with such crimes, the letter urged that all witnesses be retained until the inquiry was complete, highlighting that morale within the unit had been deeply undermined by these allegations.

Arrest

In response to Trooper Cochrane’s letter, Colonel Hall ordered all officers and noncommissioned officers from Fort Edward to assemble in Pietersburg on 21 October 1901. On 23 October, they were intercepted approximately five miles outside Pietersburg by mounted infantry and escorted into town under conditions likened to those of criminals. Morant was apprehended following his return from leave in Pretoria.

Captain de Bertodano later recounted a discussion with Morant, during which Morant described his trial concerning the missionary’s shooting as a scandal and maintained his innocence, asserting he was being targeted for killing Boers. De Bertodano confronted him directly, accusing Morant and Handcock of murdering Heese to conceal deliberate shootings and expressed no sympathy for them as officers. Subsequently, Morant was denied any opportunity to communicate with others.

Indictments

Most trial records from 1850 to 1914 were destroyed, presumably during The Blitz. On 16 October 1901, a British military Court of Inquiry was established, presided over by Col. H.M. Carter with Capt. E. Evans and Major Wilfred N. Bolton as members. The court assembled from 6 November for a duration of four weeks, followed by an additional two weeks dedicated to deliberations, culminating in the following charges:

1. "The Six Boers Case": Captains Robertson and Taylor, along with Sgt. Maj. Morrison, faced accusations of murder committed during active duty.
2. "The Van Buuren Incident": Lieut. Handcock was charged with murder; Maj. Lenehan faced charges of culpable neglect for failing to report the incident.
3. "The Visser Incident": Lieutenants Morant, Handcock, Witton, and Picton were indicted for murder.
4. "The Eight Boers Case": Lieutenants Morant, Handcock, and Witton were charged with murder.
5. Murder of Reverend Heese: Lieutenants Morant and Handcock were accused of murder.
6. No formal charges were brought regarding the shooting of three children near Fort Edward.
7. "The Three Boers Case": Lieutenants Morant and Handcock faced murder charges.

A confidential War Office report authored by Col. J. St. Claire concurred with the Court of Inquiry’s conclusions, highlighting that the directive to take no prisoners in Spelonken originated with Captain Hunt and was perpetuated by Captain Taylor following Hunt’s death. Claims concerning mistreatment of Hunt’s corpse lacked substantiation; however, retaliatory actions led by Morant were deemed unjustifiable.

Morant was identified as the chief executor of unlawful orders, with Handcock serving as his main collaborator. Morant also took part in the execution of the wounded Boer Visser and the killing of eight surrendered Boers on 23 August.

Although non-commissioned officers acted under orders, they were not justified in complying with illegal commands. After Van Buuren’s murder, the officers’ oppressive control effectively suppressed any reporting or dissent regarding their criminal acts among their subordinates.

Court-martial

The court-martial proceedings against Morant and his co-defendants commenced on 16 January 1902 at Pietersburg, conducted in phases. Two principal hearings focused on the shooting of Visser and the "Eight Boers" case, featuring extensive testimony from BVC members condemning the accused. For example, Trooper Thompson testified that Morant ordered the execution of eight Boers, with Handcock personally killing two. Corporal Sharp expressed intense hostility toward both Morant and Handcock.

Following the second hearing, the accused were transferred under heavy guard to Pretoria for trial on a third charge—the murder of Reverend Heese. Morant was acquitted on this count but received a death sentence for the other charges. Eighteen hours after sentencing, Morant and Handcock were executed; Witton’s death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment by Lord Kitchener, who personally authorized the execution orders but was not present at the executions.

Personal life

Morant asserted he was engaged to a woman from Devonshire, England, coinciding with Captain Percy Frederick Hunt’s engagement to her sister. Nevertheless, documents uncovered in 2020—including Hunt’s marriage certificates—contradicted Morant’s claim by confirming that Hunt was in Pretoria at that time serving as a marriage commissioner.

Execution

On 25 February 1902, Ex-Captain Robertson obtained the death warrants for Morant and Handcock from Lord Kitchener near Pretoria Prison. Kitchener allegedly remarked to Morant that he should consider himself fortunate not to be among those executed.

Major Thomas sought to secure clemency but was informed by Major General W.F. Kelly that the sentences had been ratified by authorities in England. The condemned men sent letters and telegrams to Kitchener, their families, and the Australian government; however, some of these communications never left Pretoria.

Both Morant and Handcock declined spiritual counsel, identifying themselves as Pagans—although prison records indicated affiliations with Christian denominations.

On the night before their execution, the sounds of coffin preparations were audible nearby. Witton was notified that he would be transferred to England early the following morning. Captain de Bertodano documented Major Lenehan’s objections regarding the treatment of the officers but dismissed these concerns since they had been found guilty of murder rather than being treated as officers.

Morant, Picton, Handcock, and Witton shared a final meal together; Morant and Handcock spent their last evening in each other's company. Morant composed a biting poem titled Butchered to Make a Dutchmen's Holiday along with a confession letter explaining that they had killed Boers responsible for murdering their comrade.

At 05:00 on 27 February, Witton briefly saw Morant and Handcock before their execution by a firing squad from the King's Own Cameron Highlanders. Both men refused to wear blindfolds; Morant’s reputed final words were: "Shoot straight, you bastards! Don't make a mess of it!" Contemporary accounts differ slightly regarding his exact last statement. Witton later reported hearing the gunfire from Pretoria railway station, although some sources suggest he had already departed for Cape Town at that time.

Legacy

Following these events, the newly formed Australian government demanded clarification from Kitchener, who on 5 April 1902 sent a telegram to the Australian Governor-General—published in full by the Australian media. It detailed that Morant, Handcock, and Witton faced charges involving twenty murders, including that of a German missionary witness. Twelve murders were substantiated, with Morant identified as the instigator and Handcock as the executor. These offenses took place in remote areas of the Transvaal on four occasions during 1901. Despite claims of retribution for Captain Hunt’s death, no evidence of mistreatment was established. Witton’s sentence was reduced to life imprisonment due to his influence by Morant and Handcock.

In 1981, South African historian Dr. C.A.R. Schulenburg discovered that transcripts from the trial had been destroyed by the UK Civil Service between 1923 and 1958.

George Witton remained detained in England before being released after 28 months; upon returning to Australia, he authored the contentious memoir Scapegoats of the Empire (1907). Captain de Bertodano criticized Witton’s narrative as largely inaccurate and noted government attempts to suppress it. Historian Craig Wilcox condemned the book for promoting a partial truth that portrayed perpetrators as victims, contributing to a distorted cultural perception in Australia.

In 1929, Witton disclosed in correspondence that Peter Handcock had admitted to killing Reverend Daniel Heese on Morant's orders following their acquittal. This revelation deeply distressed Major James Francis Thomas, who had served as their defense counsel. Witton passed away in 1942 and is interred in Brisbane.

Alfred Taylor resumed farming in Southern Rhodesia but died in 1941 without considerable wealth, having sought financial aid from the government late in life. Intelligence Scout Henry Ledeboer was never charged and later became a prominent game ranger at Kruger National Park.

Major Wilfred N. Bolton transitioned from military duties to serve as a civilian magistrate in Pietersburg and devoted significant effort advocating for compensation for families affected by Bushveldt Carbineers casualties until at least 1909.

Although Morant and Handcock were acquitted of Reverend Heese’s murder, his widow received £5000 from the War Office. Various compensation amounts were also awarded to other victims’ families.

Research has identified at least 36 individuals—both Black and White—as victims of actions undertaken by the Bushveldt Carbineers and British Intelligence Department.

The Australian government’s dissatisfaction with the executions of Morant and Handcock contributed to a policy during World War I that prevented Australian soldiers from being tried by British military courts-martial, which is credited partly with no Australian deserters being executed throughout that conflict.

The gravesites of Morant and Handcock were neglected until renewed interest sparked by Bruce Beresford’s film; in 1998, the Australian Government allocated $1,500 to restore their burial site. The South African Government erected memorials at significant locations related to these events, including Duivelskloof and the mass grave associated with "The Eight Boers Case."

During the centennial commemorations of the Anglo-Boer War in 2002, a reenactment of the Court-Martial took place in Pietersburg attended by descendants of victims. Notably, Reverend Heese’s granddaughter presented artifacts recovered from her grandfather's cart by British forces: a shotgun, Bible, and pocket watch.

Literature on Morant and Divergent Interpretations of the Case

The life, trial, and subsequent execution of Morant have been the subject of extensive examination in numerous publications, where narratives often diverge significantly, mixing historical fact with elements of fiction.

The principal original document, the official court-martial transcript, vanished following the trial and has not been recovered since. A communication from Kitchener to the Australian Governor-General dated 7 April 1902 indicated that "the proceedings have been forwarded" to England. Nevertheless, these records have never been publicly accessible, with even Australian authorities denied permission to review them.

In the 1982 edition of Witton’s work, G.A. Embleton highlighted that many scholars sought access to the transcripts thought to be held by the War Office but were either refused or informed that release would be postponed until 2002. It was later revealed that these documents never reached England and were only recently uncovered in South Africa.

Arthur Davey’s Breaker Morant and the Bushveldt Carbineers offers an in-depth documentation of Morant and Handcock’s court-martial, incorporating numerous witness statements from members of the Bushveldt Carbineers and other observers.

South African historian Charles Leach published The Legend of Breaker Morant is DEAD and BURIED in 2012, drawing on thorough research including access to previously unpublished South African archives and family records. British researcher Joe West responded by asserting that Leach’s conclusions indicated Morant and his associates committed more severe offenses than formerly recognized, implying they would likely be prosecuted under contemporary War Crime tribunals.

Primary sources

In the absence of the original court-martial documents, three main sources remain: the 1902 trial report featured in The Times; George Witton’s narrative in Scapegoats of the Empire; and a 1929 letter from Witton to Major Thomas, which remained confidential until its release in 1970, wherein Witton alleges that Handcock’s confession was extracted under coercion.

A diary entry dated 7 October 1901 by Robert Poore, who served as provost marshal during the period, surfaced in 2004:

This particular diary note has been interpreted in contrasting ways: some view it as indicative of an order to take no prisoners—potentially absolving Morant and Handcock—while others regard it as evidence that they acted improperly by accepting surrenders only to execute captives afterward.

Additional perspectives

In Australia's Boer War: The War in South Africa 1899–1902, historian Wilcox identifies Cutlack’s 1962 publication Breaker Morant as a pivotal work that shaped popular perceptions of Morant, presenting a simplified account largely based on Witton’s Scapegoats alongside earlier contributions from Frank Fox.

R.L. Wallace’s 1976 volume The Australians at the Boer War delivers a succinct overview of Morant's military service, trial proceedings, and execution but excludes many significant aspects found in Witton’s version. Wallace’s focus was more broadly on Australian participation in South Africa rather than an exclusive study of Morant.

The most widely recognized depiction is Kit Denton’s 1973 novel The Breaker, inspired by testimony from a Boer War veteran. Wilcox regards this work as a continuation of Cutlack’s narrative that further entrenched the legend. Denton mistakenly identified Pietersburg—not Pretoria—as the location of Morant’s execution, contributing to enduring confusion regarding where the event occurred.

Kenneth Ross’s acclaimed 1978 play Breaker Morant: A Play in Two Acts was later adapted by Ross and Bruce Beresford into the 1980 film Breaker Morant, which earned an Academy Award nomination for Best Adapted Screenplay.

Legacy

Although it is acknowledged that Morant and others participated in the killing of Boer commandos, controversy persists regarding the exact number of victims, the individuals responsible, and the directives that led to these actions. Neil Speed’s Born to Fight demonstrates that several groups, including the Canadian Scouts, engaged in lethal confrontations with armed Boers.

Advocates maintain that Morant and Handcock were unfairly made scapegoats despite the frequent summary executions carried out by British troops, arguing that the British authorities sought to conceal Kitchener’s "no prisoners" policy aimed at Boer insurgents.

South African historian Hamish Paterson points out that the Bushveldt Carbineers were a British Imperial unit, which technically classified Morant and Handcock as British officers rather than Australians.

Nick Bleszynski’s 2002 work, Shoot Straight, You Bastards': The True Story Behind The Killing of 'Breaker' Morant, supports the notion of scapegoating by providing evidence that Kitchener’s order was indeed issued and broadly implemented, while also emphasizing shortcomings in the court-martial procedures.

Arthur Davey notes that Lieutenant Hunt—who was younger than Morant and Handcock and had limited experience with military law—was reportedly responsible for issuing "no prisoners" orders acknowledged by multiple witnesses during the trials. Conflicting statements left Hunt’s reputation ambiguous, with some information deliberately withheld "in the interest of the corps."

Petition

In 2002, Australians commemorated the centenary of the executions with a service in Pretoria, attended by the Australian High Commissioner to South Africa, where a new grave marker was installed.

A petition submitted in 2010 to Queen Elizabeth II seeking pardons for Morant and Handcock encountered significant resistance within South Africa, particularly from descendants of the Viljoen brothers who were killed during the incident, as well as from Reverend Heese’s family.

Historian Hamish Paterson criticized efforts to secure pardons, underscoring that Morant and Handcock breached laws of war by executing prisoners after their surrender and killing a neutral witness. He highlighted that these British officers’ failings reflected the chaotic nature of the Bushveldt Carbineers (BVC), contrasting sharply with regular army standards.

Australian lawyer Jim Unkles lodged petitions in 2009 requesting a review of the convictions; these were forwarded to the British Crown. In 2012, Member of Parliament Alex Hawke described the case for pardons as "strong and compelling."

Nevertheless, in November 2010, the British Ministry of Defence dismissed the appeal, citing an absence of new evidence sufficient to overturn the original courts-martial decisions. This stance was supported by Australian military historian Craig Wilcox and South African historian Charles Leach. Unkles continues to advocate for a formal judicial inquiry.

In October 2011, then Australian Attorney General Robert McClelland inaccurately claimed that Morant and Handcock had no legal counsel; in fact, Major J. F. Thomas served as their defense lawyer.

Nicola Roxon succeeded McClelland as attorney general in December 2011. By May 2012, she declared that the Australian government would not pursue pardons, emphasizing that such clemency requires both moral and legal innocence. Roxon stressed the seriousness of their offenses and cautioned that granting pardons might imply excusing grave crimes. Following this announcement, McClelland expressed concerns regarding procedural fairness to British officials.

Discovery of Artifacts

In April 2016, an individual rummaging through refuse at the municipal dump in Tenterfield, New South Wales uncovered a decayed hessian sack containing an aged mail pouch filled with various belongings presumed to be associated with Morant. Among these were personal items engraved with Morant’s name or initials, including a penny attached to a leather thong, fragments of a trumpet, a bayonet scabbard, a bandolier, a cigarette case, brass drinking cups stamped with HM, military field mess gear, and a medal from the Boer War. The collection also featured an Australian red ensign signed by Thomas, bearing the following inscription:

"This flag bore witness [to] utter scapegoats of the Empire Feb 27 1902 Pretoria."

"Signed J F Thomas."

"Handcock Feb 17 1868 Feb 27 1902 RIP."

"Lt Henry H Morant Dec 9 1864 Feb 27 1902 Pretoria RIP."

Furthermore, the sack contained newspaper clippings and documents connected to Sir Henry Parkes and the movement toward Australian Federation. Prior to recognizing their significance, the anonymous discoverer discarded a substantial number of damaged papers. Known only as "Mr Collector," this individual later donated the recovered items to the Henry Parkes School of Arts museum in Tenterfield, where they remain accessible for public viewing.

See also

News, journals, gazettes and websites

• Paterson, A.B, "The Late Lieutenant Morant: A Personal Sketch", The Sydney Mail, (12 April 1902), p. 898.
• Ross, Kenneth, "The truth about Harry", The Age, 26 February 2002. Also appeared in the Sydney Morning Herald on the same date.
• "Villains or Victims" in Australian War Memorial, Wartime, Issue No. 18, 2002, pp. 12–16.
• Wilcox, Craig. "Ned Kelly in Khaki", The Weekend Australian Magazine, 23–24 February 2002, pp. 20–22.
• Schulenburg, Dr CAR. "The Bushveldt Carbineers: a chapter from the Anglo-Boer War", in Historia, Vol 26(1), May 1981 (translated and reworked at geocities.com)

Further reading

• Kruger, Rayne. Goodbye Dolly Gray: The Story of the Boer War. Pimlico, 1996. ISBN 0-7126-6285-5.
• O'Brien, Antony. Bye–bye Dolly Gray. Artillery Publishing, 2006. ISBN 0-9758013-2-5.
• Unkles, James. Ready, Aim, Fire: Major James Francis Thomas, the Fourth Victim in the Execution of Lieutenant Harry "Breaker" Morant. Sid Harta Publishers, 2018. ISBN 978-1-925230-50-5.

External links

• Text of Scapegoats of the Empire at Project Gutenberg Australia
• "Move to Bring Morant Home", The Canberra Times, 26 September 1980, p. 3
• Breaker Morant executed