Jump to content

Don Brash

From Alfawiki
Adapted from the English Wikipedia article Don Brash, available under CC BY-SA 4.0Updated 11 August 20259 sources
Don Brash
Born (1940-09-24) September 24, 1940 (age 86)
Whanganui, New Zealand
Occupation(s)Politician, economist
Years active1980–2011 (politics)
Known forLeader of the New Zealand National Party (2003–2006), Leader of ACT New Zealand (2011), Governor of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (1988–2002)

Donald Thomas Brash (born 24 September 1940) is a former New Zealand political figure who led the New Zealand National Party and held the position of Leader of the Opposition from October 2003 until November 2006. Additionally, he served as leader of the ACT New Zealand party for a period of seven months in 2011.

Brash was appointed Governor of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand in 1988 and remained in that role until his resignation in April 2002 to contest the 2002 general election as a list MP for National. Despite National’s substantial loss, Brash secured a prominent list placement and was elected to Parliament. He subsequently challenged Bill English for party leadership, assuming the role on 28 October 2003. His 2004 Orewa address, which criticized what he viewed as Māori separatism, generated considerable debate.

During Brash’s tenure, National improved its standing notably in the 2005 general election, achieving its strongest outcome since mixed-member proportional representation was introduced in 1996. However, National still fell short by two seats compared to the ruling Labour Party and was unable to form a government. He stepped down as party leader in November 2006 and exited Parliament in February 2007.

In October 2008, Brash took on an academic role as adjunct professor of Banking at Auckland University of Technology and also held an academic appointment at La Trobe University in Melbourne.

On 28 April 2011, Brash succeeded Rodney Hide as leader of ACT. Following ACT’s poor showing in the November 2011 general election—retaining only the Epsom electorate—he resigned. In 2016, he established Hobson's Pledge, a right-wing advocacy group opposing Māori-Crown partnership agreements and policies favouring Māori equity.

Childhood, education and marriage

Don Brash was born on 24 September 1940 in Whanganui to Alan Brash, a Presbyterian minister and son of lay leader Thomas Brash, and his wife Eljean (née Hill).

At age six, his family relocated to Christchurch. He attended Cashmere Primary School followed by Christchurch Boys' High School, then proceeded to study economics, history, and political science at the University of Canterbury, where he graduated. In 1962, he completed a master's degree in economics with a thesis arguing that foreign investment hindered economic progress. The following year, he commenced doctoral studies at the Australian National University, ultimately reaching a contrary conclusion.[1]

Brash married his first wife, Erica, in 1964; they had two children together. In the 1980s, he began a relationship with Je Lan Lee, his Singaporean secretary. After separating from Erica in 1985, he married Lee four months following their divorce.[2][3] This second marriage ended in 2007 after an affair with Diane Foreman, who was then Deputy Chair of the Business Round Table.[4] Brash and Lee had one child.[5]

Early career

In 1966, Brash was employed as an economist at the World Bank headquarters in Washington, D.C.. Returning to New Zealand in 1971, he became general manager of Broadbank Corporation, a merchant banking institution.[6]

Brash's initial political involvement began in 1980 when he was chosen by the National Party to contest the 1980 East Coast Bays by-election. He did not win the seat, partly due to public dissatisfaction with toll hikes on the Auckland Harbour Bridge under Prime Minister Robert Muldoon. The seat was won by Gary Knapp representing the Social Credit Party.[6] He also failed to secure this seat during the 1981 New Zealand general election.[7]

In 1982, Brash assumed the role of managing director at the New Zealand Kiwifruit Authority, managing kiwifruit exports—a sector he continues to engage with recreationally. From 1986 until 1988, he served as general manager of Trust Bank, which had been established through the amalgamation of nine trustee savings banks.[8][9]

Reserve Bank governor

In 1988, Don Brash assumed the position of governor at the Reserve Bank of New Zealand, a post he maintained for 14 years. Throughout his leadership, he consistently achieved government-set objectives to maintain inflation between 0–2%, later revised to 1–3%, while overseeing a reduction in interest rates from double digits to single digits.

Brash was instrumental in implementing significant changes in banking oversight, prioritizing transparency regarding banks' assets and liabilities. The Reserve Bank Act of 1989 introduced an innovative system where the government and the central bank publicly agreed on inflation targets, granting the bank full autonomy over monetary policy, with the governor held responsible for results. This arrangement struck a balance between independence and governmental control, differing from models that are either entirely autonomous or fully government-controlled.

During Brash's administration, New Zealand rolled out polymer currency notes and removed Queen Elizabeth II's portrait from most denominations. Many banknotes still in use carry his signature.

Views on Brash’s tenure are mixed. The New Zealand Association of Economists commends his role in establishing an independent central bank and curbing inflation as significant accomplishments. In contrast, some detractors regard him as an advocate of neo-liberal economic policies, citing his support for eliminating the minimum wage and his 1996 Hayek Memorial Lecture promoting free-market principles.

Brash was honored with the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal and inducted into the New Zealand Business Hall of Fame in 2002, acknowledging his influential service as Reserve Bank governor.

Member of Parliament

On 26 April 2002, shortly before the 2002 New Zealand general election, Brash stepped down from his role as Reserve Bank governor to run as a National Party list candidate, ranked fifth on the list. Notably, he did not contest any electorate seat. Despite the National Party’s historically poor showing with just 21% of the party vote, Brash secured a seat in Parliament due to his prominent list position.

Upon entering Parliament, Brash was immediately appointed to National’s front bench as finance spokesman, opposing Labour’s Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Michael Cullen. While his economic expertise was widely recognized, critics pointed to his limited experience in political leadership.

In October 2003, Brash openly challenged Bill English for leadership of the National Party. Although English had lost considerable internal support, Brash’s public challenge broke with party convention and drew some criticism for potentially harming the party’s image. Nevertheless, Brash cultivated an image as a straightforward "anti-politician," strengthening his personal appeal. Subsequently, English was replaced by Brash as party leader following National’s disappointing result in the 2002 election.

Leader of the Opposition

On 28 October 2003, after just one year as an MP, Brash won a caucus vote to become Leader of the National Party Caucus and thus Leader of the Opposition. He maintained his role as finance spokesman and appointed new MP John Key as deputy finance spokesman, later promoting Key to lead finance spokesman following a reshuffle in August 2004.

Orewa speech

On 27 January 2004, Brash presented his second Orewa address on the theme of "Nationhood" at the Orewa Rotary Club, where he voiced opposition to what he termed "Māori racial separatism" within New Zealand:

Today, I intend to address the alarming trend towards racial division in New Zealand and the establishment of a deeply rooted Treaty grievance industry. We are one nation composed of diverse peoples, not merely a society divided into Pākehā and Māori where the minority holds an inherent privilege, as appears to be the perspective of the Labour Government.

While echoing views commonly held by the National Party, this speech generated a notable upswing in public backing. In a February 2004 Colmar Brunton poll, National's support surged by 17 percentage points—the largest single increase recorded by that polling firm—leading Labour to reconsider its policy direction. Nevertheless, after reaching this high point, National’s popularity gradually waned, finishing 11 points behind Labour by the end of 2004.

In the aftermath of the speech, Georgina te Heuheu, National’s Māori Affairs spokesperson, stepped down because she declined to endorse it publicly.

That same year, Brash reproached Prime Minister Helen Clark for delivering a political address within Christchurch Cathedral. Following her response, Brash issued an apology and revealed that his chief of staff had penned the critical letter.

On 25 January 2005, Brash delivered his third Orewa speech entitled "Welfare Dependency: Whatever Happened to Personal Responsibility?" He committed to lowering the number of working-age welfare recipients from 300,000 to 200,000 over a decade, with particular attention on the Domestic Purposes Benefit (DPB), which supported approximately 109,000 single parents and cost $1.5 billion annually. Emphasizing concerns over welfare dependency’s social and economic impact, Brash remarked:

How can we accept a welfare framework that permits children to be raised in homes where their parents are perpetually reliant on benefits? Our welfare system is fostering a generation destined for poverty, limited education, and lacking ambition or hope.

His proposals included stricter enforcement of child-support payments from absent fathers, mandating that single parents engage in employment or community service once their children reach school age, and penalizing women who withhold fathers' identities when applying for DPB. Adoption was also suggested as an alternative for teenage mothers. The speech created friction within National; Social Welfare spokesperson Katherine Rich opposed certain aspects and was subsequently replaced by Judith Collins.

Māori identity

Following his 2004 Orewa address, Brash’s comments regarding race relations attracted widespread media scrutiny. During the 2005 election campaign, he criticized the use of pōwhiri ceremonies to welcome international guests:

I believe Māori culture has its place, but why do we consistently feature a semi-naked male—sometimes quite pale-skinned Māori—jumping around in what looks like mock combat?

In September 2006, Brash stated:

Many New Zealanders clearly identify as Māori; however, it is evident that very few, if any, are entirely Māori by descent. There has been considerable intermarriage, which should be seen positively.

These assertions provoked criticism from political figures who regarded an emphasis on blood quantum as divisive and outdated, insisting that Māori have the right to define their own identity.

Brash’s suggestion that there may be no distinct indigenous group due to a scarcity of "full-blooded" Māori prompted backlash including from Māori Party co-leader Tariana Turia, who withdrew from a scheduled dinner with him in protest. On 30 September 2006, Brash clarified his stance by asserting that the Government was not obligated to intervene regarding Māori over-representation in adverse social statistics. He contended that inequalities such as elevated lung cancer rates were attributable to lifestyle factors rather than government responsibility.

British roots

Brash highlighted New Zealand’s strong British legacy, asserting that settlers from Britain integrated smoothly due to shared principles established over centuries, tracing back to the Magna Carta.

2005 general election

In July 2005, Prime Minister Helen Clark declared a General Election set for 17 September. Early in the campaign, Brash and the National Party held a slight lead in opinion polls, but by mid-August their support had diminished. Observers linked this decline to Labour’s introduction of new expenditure initiatives and doubts about National’s capacity to form reliable coalitions with either New Zealand First or ACT New Zealand.

National’s campaign concentrated on rebutting Labour’s criticisms concerning Brash’s national security policies—which favored closer relations with traditional allies—his social welfare promises including healthcare funding, and allegations of "racial separatism" impacting Māori relations. A centerpiece of their platform was a tax reduction plan aimed at working New Zealanders, promoted through a focused billboard campaign that subsequently earned two industry accolades.

In his initial election broadcast, Brash shared personal anecdotes that positioned him toward the political center:

  • registering as a conscientious objector at age 18
  • serving as patron for the Amnesty International Freedom Foundation
  • opposing racially selected rugby tours in 1981
  • demonstrating financial restraint during overseas visits as Reserve Bank Governor
  • having voted for Labour early in his life

Campaign

On 19 August 2005, National unveiled a staged tax-cut proposal totaling $3.9 billion over three years. This announcement was followed by an uptick in polling figures. On 22 August, Brash faced Helen Clark in a televised debate; media coverage characterized Clark as assured while portraying Brash as defensive. Brash later explained he avoided aggressive attacks on Clark out of respect for her gender—a comment Clark dismissed as condescending.

Subsequent leaks revealed that members of the ACT party and the Business Round Table had provided counsel to Brash during his leadership campaign, creating embarrassment amid ongoing disclosures. Coalition negotiations remained uncertain: New Zealand First was reluctant to commit publicly, and ACT criticized National for failing to support ACT leader Rodney Hide’s bid in his electorate.

Pamphlets distributed by the Christian Exclusive Brethren in early September added to Brash’s difficulties. Although not officially affiliated with National, the Brethren had informed him months earlier about their campaign opposing Labour policies. Brash insisted this was an independent initiative by the group.

The election on 17 September proved tightly contested; National secured strong rural backing while Labour prevailed overall with 40.7% compared to National’s 39.6%. After counting special votes, Labour’s lead extended to 41.1% against National’s 39.1%. Following weeks of uncertainty, Brash conceded on 1 October. His only feasible route to prime ministership involved forming a coalition with ACT and United Future alongside support from New Zealand First and the Māori Party—an unlikely outcome given New Zealand First’s pre-election pledge to back the largest party and Brash’s proposal to abolish Māori electorates, which alienated the Māori Party.

National struggled to attract sufficient urban voters but performed strongly in rural and provincial areas, regaining seats from Labour and defeating Winston Peters in his electorate (though Peters retained a list seat). Outside Auckland, National’s support base remained predominantly rural and provincial.

2006–2011

On 13 September 2006, Brash took a leave of absence to focus on personal marital matters. Reports of an extramarital relationship emerged following an alleged confrontation by National MP Brian Connell during a caucus meeting, which resulted in Connell's suspension from the caucus.

Brash appeared on Television New Zealand's Agenda program on 23 September, where he acknowledged holding discussions with representatives of the Exclusive Brethren after the 2005 election. Although he planned to remain as leader of the National Party and contest the forthcoming election, caucus support increasingly favored Finance Spokesman John Key, whose "preferred Prime Minister" approval ratings were climbing. Brash's standing was further affected by accusations of an affair with Auckland businesswoman Diane Foreman, allegations he never formally denied. Despite these challenges, in a November 2006 interview, he reaffirmed his commitment to maintain his leadership role.

Resignation

At a press briefing on 23 November 2006, Brash declared his intention to resign as National Party leader, effective from 27 November. The ongoing speculation regarding his leadership had negatively impacted the party, reaching a peak just before the publication of a book by Nicky Hager that included leaked emails and other disclosures.

On 16 November, Brash obtained a High Court injunction preventing the release of private emails purportedly extracted from his computer and confirmed that police were investigating the email theft. Nonetheless, he chose not to obstruct the publication of Hager's book. Upon announcing his resignation, Brash lifted the injunction to permit the book's release and stated that its contents were not a factor in his decision to step down.

The Hollow Men: A Study in the Politics of Deception chronicles Brash's political ascent supported by a right-wing network involving members of ACT New Zealand. The book also reveals that senior National Party officials, including Brash himself, were aware of the Exclusive Brethren's pamphlet campaigns in May 2005, although Brash initially denied this knowledge until August.

One week following his resignation as leader, on 30 November 2006, Brash resigned from Parliament after new leader John Key declined to offer him a senior cabinet position. He confirmed he would not return in the upcoming year.

Brash delivered his farewell speech on 12 December 2006. Subsequently, on 7 February 2007, Katrina Shanks succeeded him as a National Party list MP.

Career after national politics

On 18 May 2007, Brash was appointed to the board of ANZ National Bank, taking over from Rob McLeod. He also assumed the role of chairman at Huljich Wealth Management, an Auckland-based specialist in funds management. Later in 2008, he took up a position lecturing in economics at the Auckland University of Technology. In April 2009, Brash joined Transpower as a director of the electricity grid operator.

In April 2011, while still affiliated with the National Party, Brash expressed interest in leading the ACT Party, which would require incumbent leader Rodney Hide to step aside. Hide dismissed rumors about a leadership challenge; however, Brash conveyed his belief that ACT could substantially grow its parliamentary representation under his guidance. John Key did not exclude the possibility of cooperating with Brash should political circumstances become closely contested.

Brash also serves as chairman of the New Zealand branch of the state-owned Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, underscoring his continued engagement with prominent financial institutions.

ACT Party Leadership

On 28 April 2011, Rodney Hide stepped down as leader of the ACT Party, handing over the role to Don Brash, who had officially joined the party that very morning. The party board approved Brash’s membership on 30 April, and the parliamentary caucus endorsed him as leader the same day. Hide remained a Member of Parliament until Parliament was dissolved ahead of the 2011 general election. While former Auckland City mayor John Banks contested the Epsom electorate, Brash led ACT from outside Parliament. The Listener compared Brash’s rapid assumption of leadership to a hostile takeover.

Brash targeted achieving 15% of the party vote in the 2011 election; however, ACT managed only 1%. He resigned on election night and was succeeded by John Banks.

With a leadership period lasting just 213 days, Brash held the record for shortest tenure among major New Zealand party leaders in recent history until July 2020, when National Party leader Todd Muller resigned after only 53 days.

Hobson's Pledge

In September 2016, Brash took on the role of spokesperson for Hobson's Pledge, an advocacy group opposing what it terms preferential treatment for Māori and campaigning for the removal of the Māori electorates. The organisation is named after William Hobson, New Zealand’s inaugural Governor and co-author of the Treaty of Waitangi.

Massey University Speech Controversy and Free Speech Issues

On 7 August 2018, Vice-Chancellor Jan Thomas of Massey University cancelled a planned talk by Brash at its Palmerston North campus, citing concerns over safety due to his support for alt-right Canadian figures Lauren Southern and Stefan Molyneux, as well as his leadership role in Hobson's Pledge, which opposes Māori wards. Thomas expressed support for free expression but drew a line at what she described as hate speech.

Brash denounced the cancellation as an infringement on free speech rights. The decision attracted criticism from various public officials including Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, Education Minister Chris Hipkins, Opposition Leader Simon Bridges, Massey University Students' Association President Ben Schmidt, and ACT leader David Seymour. Several Māori Members of Parliament, such as Green Party co-leader Marama Davidson and Labour MP Willie Jackson, defended Brash’s entitlement to free speech despite disagreeing with his opinions.

Subsequently, Brash accepted a renewed invitation and delivered his talk on campus on 17 October 2018, attended by fewer than 100 students.

COVID-19 Pandemic Involvement

Amid the COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand, Brash collaborated with business figures and former politicians, including ex-National MP Ross Meurant, to establish Covax-NZR Limited. Their goal was to import Russia’s unapproved Gam-COVID-Vac (Sputnik V) vaccine into New Zealand. By August 2020, they had submitted documentation through the Russian Embassy to facilitate supply and distribution arrangements but did not advance beyond this stage.

Policy Views

Brash has advocated for legalising prostitution and euthanasia while opposing proposals to raise the legal drinking age back to 20 years. He voted against Manukau’s ban on street prostitution. Additionally, he opposed the Civil Unions Bill, arguing that any legal changes should have public endorsement. He has also supported decriminalising cannabis use.

In March 2013, Brash challenged Auckland’s urban development policies by promoting increased residential zoning to alleviate housing costs, opposing Mayor Len Brown’s strategy aimed at restricting urban expansion.

In July 2024, Brash joined former Prime Minister Helen Clark in criticising what they viewed as a shift toward a pro-US foreign policy by the Sixth National Government, highlighting increased transparency regarding Chinese espionage incidents and involvement in Pillar 2 of the AUKUS security pact.

Toward the end of September 2024, Brash’s lawyer, Stephen Franks, issued legal notices to former National staffer and lobbyist Matthew Hooton and podcast host Martyn "Bomber" Bradbury over defamatory statements made by Hooton. Hooton accused Brash of fostering racism against Māori during his time in Parliament and through his leadership of Hobson's Pledge. He referenced Brash’s notable 2004 Orewa speech, labelling him "a fundamentally bad person" responsible for national division. Bradbury later confirmed that Hooton had sincerely apologised for these remarks.

Private life

Since 2016, Brash has been in a relationship with Margaret Murray-Benge. Under the name Margaret Murray, she held positions as a councillor for Waimairi District from 1977 to 1989, served on Christchurch City Council between 1992 and 1998, and has been a member of the Western Bay of Plenty District Council since 2004.

Biography

Selected publications

  • “New Zealand’s Debt Servicing Capacity”, published by University of Canterbury Press, 1964
  • “American Investment in Australian Industry”, Harvard University Press, 1966

External links

Political offices

  1. ↑ Businessman Today: Don Brash
  2. ↑ Brash remarried "after 4 months"
  3. ↑ Brash takes break over marriage difficulties
  4. ↑ Why Brash's Failure Is More Strategic
  5. ↑ Brash marriage over
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named :0
  7. ↑ Is Don Brash on a Hide-ing to nothing? Or just Hide-bound?
  8. ↑ Interview with Donald Brash – Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
  9. ↑ Photo recall: Last hurrah of golden decade of affluence