Ernesto Zedillo
Ernesto Zedillo | |
|---|---|
| Born | Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León December 27, 1951 Mexico City, Mexico |
| Occupation(s) | Economist, politician |
| Years active | 1987–present |
| Known for | 61st President of Mexico (1994–2000) |
Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León (born December 27, 1951) is a Mexican economist and political figure who held the office of the 61st president of Mexico from 1994 until 2000, representing the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). As the final president during the PRI's uninterrupted 71-year governance, his policy of non-intervention played a key role in ensuring a transparent handover following the 2000 Mexican general election.
Zedillo assumed the presidency amid one of Mexico's most severe economic downturns, known as the Mexican peso crisis, which unfolded shortly after his inauguration. While he distanced himself from his predecessor Carlos Salinas de Gortari and attributed responsibility for the crisis to the previous administration, Zedillo continued to uphold the neoliberal economic strategies established earlier. His administration witnessed significant occurrences such as the detention of Salinas' brother, Raúl Salinas de Gortari, escalated tensions with both the EZLN and the Popular Revolutionary Army, along with the contentious deployment of Fobaproa aimed at stabilizing the national banking sector. Additionally, his government enacted political reforms enabling residents of Mexico City to elect their own mayor and advanced efforts to privatize the national railway system, which resulted in halting passenger rail services. His tenure was also overshadowed by serious human rights issues, including the Aguas Blancas massacre and Acteal massacre.
Although his economic policies eventually led to recovery, widespread public discontent with PRI rule contributed to the party losing its legislative majority during the 1997 midterm elections. In the 2000 presidential race, opposition candidate Vicente Fox from the right-leaning National Action Party secured victory, bringing an end to PRI's seven decades in power. Zedillo’s concession and orderly transfer of authority enhanced his standing, departing office with approval ratings around 60%.
Following his presidency, Zedillo has concentrated on studying globalization’s impact on both advanced and emerging economies. He currently leads Yale University's Center for the Study of Globalization and holds positions on the boards of the Inter-American Dialogue and Citigroup.
Early life and education
Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León was born in Mexico City on December 27, 1951, to Rodolfo Zedillo Castillo, a mechanic by profession, and Martha Alicia Ponce de León. His family relocated to Mexicali, Baja California, seeking improved prospects.
In 1964, he returned to Mexico City and enrolled at the National Polytechnic Institute in 1969. To finance his education, he worked at what later became Banjército, originally known as the National Army and Navy Bank. He earned his degree in economics in 1972 and began teaching, during which time he met his future wife, Nilda Patricia Velasco. Together they have five children: Ernesto, Emiliano, Carlos (previously married to TV personality Alondra de la Parra), Nilda Patricia, and Rodrigo.
In 1974, Zedillo advanced his studies at Yale University, where he completed both a master's degree and a PhD. His doctoral dissertation was titled Mexico's Public External Debt: Recent History and Future Growth Related to Oil.
Political career
Zedillo began his professional journey at the Bank of Mexico as a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), where he promoted macroeconomic reform initiatives. By 1987, he had advanced to the position of deputy secretary in charge of Planning and Budget Control within the Secretariat of Budget and Planning. At the age of 38, in 1988, he assumed leadership of this secretariat and spearheaded reforms in Science and Technology until December 1991.
In 1992, President Carlos Salinas appointed him as Secretary of Education. During his tenure, he directed a contentious revision of public school textbooks that moderated perspectives on foreign investment and certain historical epochs; these textbooks were eventually withdrawn.[1] He resigned in 1993 to take charge of the electoral campaign for PRI presidential hopeful Luis Donaldo Colosio.
1994 presidential campaign
After Colosio’s assassination in 1994, Zedillo emerged as one of the few PRI candidates eligible under Mexican law, since he had not recently held public office.
The opposition suspected President Salinas’ involvement amid political tensions following Colosio’s campaign criticisms about Mexico’s problems and his commitment to engage with the Zapatista movement, which was opposed by the PRI.
Zedillo’s nomination was perceived as a strategic move by Salinas to retain influence by selecting an economist without strong political connections or power. Whether Salinas tried to control Colosio, who was regarded as a more formidable contender at that time, remains uncertain.
In the election, Zedillo secured victory over Diego Fernández de Cevallos (National Action Party) and incumbent Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (Party of the Democratic Revolution) with 48.69% of votes, becoming the last president to lead the PRI during its seven-decade dominance in Mexico throughout the 20th century.
Presidency (1994–2000)
At 42 years old, Zedillo was inaugurated on 1 December 1994 at the Legislative Palace of San Lázaro, taking his oath before Congress. Although his electoral win was deemed legitimate, he entered office as an unplanned candidate lacking a political base or prior governing experience. Early months were marked by erratic policies and speculation about resignation or a coup, which unsettled financial markets.
Cabinet
The cabinet under Zedillo focused heavily on managing crises. Over his term, four individuals served as Ministers of the Interior: Esteban Moctezuma, who confronted the Zapatista rebellion; Emilio Chuayffet, who stepped down following the Acteal massacre; Francisco Labastida, who later won the PRI nomination for president in 2000; and Diódoro Carrasco Altamirano, who handled a strike at the National Autonomous University of Mexico.
Financial crisis of December 1994
Shortly after Zedillo assumed office, Mexico was hit by a severe economic crisis. Although outgoing President Salinas was largely held responsible, he contended that policy shifts introduced by Zedillo precipitated the collapse. The peso was devalued by approximately 15%, pushing the financial system to near failure. The crisis was ultimately addressed through reforms implemented by Zedillo alongside a US$20 billion loan from US President Bill Clinton, which helped stabilize Mexico’s banking sector.
Severing Ties with Salinas
Initially perceived as a figurehead under the sway of Salinas, Zedillo needed to demonstrate autonomy to strengthen his authority. After the assassination of PRI General Secretary José Francisco Ruiz Massieu in September 1994, Zedillo commanded the detention of Salinas’s sibling, Raúl Salinas, on 28 February 1995. This bold action signified a definitive rupture between Zedillo and Salinas.
Zapatista Conflict
Starting in January 1994, Mexico encountered major unrest characterized by the Zapatista uprising and two notable political murders. The PRI’s presidential hopeful Luis Donaldo Colosio was assassinated in March 1994, paving the way for Ernesto Zedillo’s nomination. Later that year, PRI Secretary General José Francisco Ruiz Massieu, who was also President Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s brother-in-law, was killed, revealing factional disputes within the party. To guarantee unbiased inquiries, President Zedillo appointed Antonio Lozano Gracia from the opposition PAN as Attorney General of Mexico. Zedillo inherited responsibility for managing the Chiapas conflict.
On 5 January 1995, Interior Secretary Esteban Moctezuma initiated covert peace negotiations with Marcos, under the initiative called "Steps Toward Peace." Although early discussions showed promise, Zedillo withdrew backing due to military resistance against perceived concessions that granted Zapatistas territorial control in Chiapas. In February 1995, the government disclosed Marcos' identity as Rafael Sebastián Guillén, a former urban intellectual, aiming to delegitimize the movement. The military readied operations against Zapatista strongholds while dialogue efforts continued.
On 10 March 1995, Zedillo and Moctezuma formalized the Presidential Decree for Dialogue, Reconciliation, and Peace with Dignity in Chiapas, which was ratified by Congress. Secret negotiations extended into April 1995 and culminated in the February 1996 signing of the San Andrés Accords. Following this agreement, detained Zapatistas were freed in May 1996. Despite these developments, tensions remained high; notably, the Acteal massacre occurred in December 1997, resulting in fatalities among indigenous peasants. Survivors pursued legal action against Zedillo in U.S. courts; however, the Supreme Court dismissed the case citing sovereign immunity.
Relations Between Church and State
During Salinas’s tenure, he secured backing from the Roman Catholic Church for the 1988 election and implemented constitutional reforms that transformed church-state dynamics. Nevertheless, on 11 February 1995, Zedillo instigated a crisis with the Church that undermined recently reestablished diplomatic relations between Mexico and the Holy See. These ties were already fragile following the 1993 murder of Guadalajara Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo and the government’s inability to resolve the incident. The Attorney General’s office exerted pressure on Bishop of Chiapas, Samuel Ruiz García, accusing him of harboring knowledge about Zapatista guerrilla operations. Ruiz played a crucial mediating role during peace efforts after the EZLN uprising.
Efforts to Reduce Poverty
Zedillo’s presidential slogan was Bienestar para tu familia ("Well-being for your family"). He introduced Progresa, a social program aimed at alleviating poverty by providing subsidies to impoverished families conditioned on their children attending school regularly. Progresa replaced Salinas’s politically charged PRONASOL initiative and was later renamed Oportunidades under President Vicente Fox. Additionally, the state food agency CONASUPO was dismantled in 1999, which contributed to rising food prices.
Carlos Salinas was responsible for negotiating Mexico's accession to NAFTA, which took effect in January 1994. Ernesto Zedillo became the first president to govern during the entire period of NAFTA's implementation. The Mexican economy faced significant difficulties following the peso crisis in December 1994, when a 15% devaluation of the currency forced the United States to provide a multi-billion-dollar loan aimed at economic stabilization. As a result, NAFTA's initial phase under Zedillo was marked by hardship, including a 7% contraction in Mexico’s GDP, although there was optimism that NAFTA would eventually stimulate economic recovery.
Before NAFTA, Salinas had privatized numerous enterprises; during Zedillo’s administration, the national railway company, Ferrocarriles Nacionales de México, underwent privatization, which led to the cessation of passenger rail services by 1997.
Electoral reform
Zedillo placed great emphasis on electoral reform, initiating multiparty negotiations in January 1995 that culminated in an agreement by July 1996 among Mexico's four principal political parties. This reform package, approved unanimously, created independent electoral oversight institutions, converted the previously appointed Head of Government of Mexico City into an elected role starting in July 1997, and enhanced transparency in campaign financing. These changes represented a pivotal move toward democratic consensus and curtailed the long-standing dominance of the PRI.
In the 1997 elections, the PRI lost its majority in Congress for the first time. Zedillo also advocated for strengthening federalism as a counterweight to central government concentration.
International relations
Zedillo sought to expand Mexico’s global relationships, particularly fostering ties with China and making symbolic overtures toward Africa, though these had limited practical impact. He successfully concluded negotiations on a Free Trade Agreement with the European Union, which came into force in July 2000.
Public approval ratings
The early phase of Zedillo’s presidency was characterized by notably low approval figures due largely to the December 1994 peso devaluation that sparked a severe economic crisis. His approval rating dropped to a low of 24% on January 3, 1995, and remained subdued throughout that year amid ongoing economic difficulties, conflict with the EZLN in Chiapas, and events such as the Aguas Blancas massacre. While ratings stabilized somewhat in 1996, they remained inconsistent.
Beginning in January 1997, public approval gradually improved as economic conditions recovered and culminated in the historic peaceful transfer of power to opposition candidate Vicente Fox in 2000. At the end of his term, Zedillo enjoyed a 64% approval rating with 25.4% disapproval. Throughout his administration, average approval stood at 55.3%, with disapproval averaging 34.3%.
Of particular note is that on January 3, 1995, a plurality (46.1%) of respondents expressed no opinion or declined to answer regarding his administration.
Peak approval ratings:
- 15 October 1997 (74.8%)
- 1 September 1997 (71.4%)
- 1 July 1998 (71.3%)
Lowest approval ratings:
- 3 January 1995 (24%)
- 16 January 1995 (31.4%)
- 1 February 1995 (35.7%)
Highest disapproval ratings:
- 17 November 1995 (49.8%)
- 2 May 1995 (48.8%)
- 1 March 1995 (45.9%)
Lowest disapproval ratings:
- 6 December 1994 (6.5%)
- 15 December 1994 (7.2%)
- 15 October 1997 (18.2%)
2000 presidential election
The presidential election held on July 2, 2000, represented a landmark moment in Mexican political history. For the first time ever, the PRI candidate, Francisco Labastida, was selected through an open internal primary process rather than presidential appointment. Reforms shifted election oversight from the Ministry of the Interior to the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), significantly enhancing confidence in electoral fairness and transparency. The IFE implemented new regulations governing campaign finance, safeguarded ballot secrecy, and ensured impartial vote tabulation. Approximately 10,000 domestic poll watchers alongside over 850 international observers—including former U.S. President Jimmy Carter—monitored the election process closely. Zapatista leader Subcomandante Marcos described this election as “a dignified and respectable battleground.”
The results were unprecedented: opposition contender Vicente Fox emerged victorious, ending the PRI’s uninterrupted control of the presidency spanning over seven decades and marking a peaceful transition away from authoritarian governance. President Zedillo promptly acknowledged Fox’s win immediately after polls closed—a decisive act that prevented potential resistance from hardline elements within the PRI. Fox later commended Zedillo’s recognition of his victory as a defining moment embodying democratic integrity and solidifying Zedillo’s legacy within Mexico’s political evolution.
Post-presidency
Following the conclusion of his presidential term, Zedillo has acted as an economic advisor for a variety of global corporations and institutions. He currently holds a faculty position at Yale University, where he lectures in economics and leads the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization. In 2008, he organized a symposium on international climate change at Yale, which culminated in an edited publication under his direction.
Corporate boards
- Alcoa, Director
- Citigroup, Director (since 2010)
- Coca-Cola, Member of the International Advisory Board
- Electronic Data Systems, Board Member
- Stonebridge International, Advisory Board Member
- Procter & Gamble, Director (2001–2019)
- Union Pacific Corporation, Director (2001–2006)
Non-profit organizations
- Kofi Annan Foundation, Commissioner on the Elections and Democracy in the Digital Age Commission (since 2018)
- Berggruen Institute, Board Member
- Migration Policy Institute (MPI), Co-Chair of the Regional Migration Study Group
- Aurora Prize, Selection Committee Member (since 2015)
- The Elders, Member (since 2013)
- Natural Resource Charter, Chair of the Oversight Board (since 2011)
- American Philosophical Society, Member (since 2011)
- Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Advisor to the Global Development Program (since 2007)
- Group of Thirty, Member (since 2005)
- Inter-American Dialogue, Member (since 2003)
- Center for Global Development (CGD), Advisory Group Member
- Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE), Honorary Board Member
- Millstein Center for Corporate Governance and Performance at the Yale School of Management, Advisory Board Member
- Club of Madrid, Member
- Americas Quarterly, Editorial Board
In 2009, Zedillo conducted an independent evaluation of governance within the World Bank Group. Beginning in 2019, he has been part of the High-Level Council on Leadership & Management for Development at Aspen Management Partnership for Health (AMP Health). In 2020, he joined the Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response (IPPR), which assessed WHO and national responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. This panel was co-chaired by Helen Clark and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.
In 2016, Zedillo was among prominent figures including Mary J. Blige and George Soros who jointly signed a letter advocating for the cessation of the War on Drugs.
Lawsuit in the U.S. by indigenous Mexican plaintiffs
In 2012, ten anonymous members of the Tzotzil people identifying themselves as survivors of the Acteal massacre filed a civil lawsuit against former President Zedillo in Connecticut, seeking approximately $50 million in damages along with a formal acknowledgment of culpability. These plaintiffs were affiliated with the indigenous advocacy organization Las Abejas; however, Porfirio Arias, its current leader, contested their residency status in Acteal. Observers suggested that this legal action may have political motivations tied to discontent within Zedillo’s former party, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, following its electoral defeat in 2000.
The United States Department of State advised that Zedillo should receive immunity from prosecution based on his status as a former head of state. Although this recommendation is not legally binding, U.S. courts generally adhere to such guidance. The plaintiffs’ legal team from Rafferty, Kobert, Tenenholtz, Bounds & Hess contemplated appealing U.S. District Judge Michael Shea’s decision to uphold this immunity.
Ultimately, in 2014, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to review the case against Zedillo, invoking "sovereign immunity" applicable to former heads of state.
Public perception and enduring impact
According to a 2012 nationwide poll conducted by BGC-Excélsior, 39% of participants evaluated the Zedillo administration as either "very good" or "good," while 27% considered it "average," and 31% viewed it as "very bad" or "bad."
Domestic distinctions
- Awarded the Collar of the Order of the Aztec Eagle in 1996
International distinctions
- Bestowed with the Grand Collar of the Order of the Liberator General San Martín (1996)
- Received the Collar of the Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana on 27 October 1995
- Honored with the Collar of the Order of Isabella the Catholic on 19 January 1996
- Conferred the title Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic on 26 March 1996
- Awarded the Medal of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay in 1996
- Granted the Grand Collar of the Order of the Sun of Peru in 1996
- Decorated with the Grand Collar of the Order of Prince Henry on 30 September 1998
- Named an Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1998
- Received the Grand Cross of the Order of the White Rose of Finland in 1999
- Bestowed with the Grand Cross with Chain of the Order of the Star of Romania in 2000
- Awarded the Grand Cross with Chain of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Hungary in 2000
- Honored with First Class distinction in the Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise
See also
Further reading
- Castañeda, Jorge G. Perpetuating Power: How Mexican Presidents Were Chosen. New York: The New Press, 2000.
- Cornelius, Wayne A., Todd A. Eisenstadt, and Jane Hindley, editors. Sub-national Politics and Democratization in Mexico. San Diego: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, 1999.
- Krauze, Enrique, Mexico: Biography of Power. New York: HarperCollins, 1997.
- Preston, Julia and Samuel Dillon. Opening Mexico: The Making of a Democracy. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2004.
- Purcell, Susan Kaufman and Luis Rubio (editors), Mexico under Zedillo (Boulder, CO, and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998).
- Schmidt, Samuel. México encadenado: El legado de Zedillo y los retos de Fox. Mexico D.F.: Colibrí, 2000.
External links
- ↑ Gilbert, Dennis (1997). "Rewriting History: Salinas, Zedillo and the 1992 Textbook Controversy". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos. 13 (2): 271–297.