Evan Mecham

Evan Mecham
Born	(1924-05-12) 12 May 1924 Mountain Home, Utah, U.S.
Died	21 February 2008(2008-02-21) (aged 83)
Occupation(s)	Entrepreneur, politician
Years active	1947–1990s
Known for	17th Governor of Arizona; first governor impeached in Arizona

Evan Mecham (Template:IPAc-en Template:Respell; May 12, 1924 – February 21, 2008) was an American entrepreneur and the 17th individual to hold the office of Governor of Arizona, with his tenure spanning from January 5, 1987, until his removal from office by impeachment on April 4, 1988. A decorated World War II veteran, Mecham owned automotive dealerships and occasionally published newspapers.

Before securing the governorship as a Republican, Mecham was known for multiple political campaigns that earned him the label of a perennial candidate and the nickname "The Harold Stassen of Arizona." His term as governor was marked by immediate controversies, making him the first U.S. governor to face simultaneous efforts for removal via impeachment, a planned recall election, and criminal indictment. He remains Arizona's only impeached governor and is among just 15 U.S. governors to have been impeached.

Prior to his governorship, Mecham served a single term in the Arizona Senate and experienced a series of unsuccessful bids for public office. His unexpected victory in the 1986 gubernatorial race followed a surprising win in the Republican primary and a divided Democratic vote during the general election, resulting in a three-way contest. During his administration, Mecham made statements and took actions widely regarded as racially insensitive or offensive. These included rescinding the state's paid observance of Martin Luther King Jr. Day, replacing it with an unpaid holiday on Sunday; attributing elevated divorce rates to women participating in the workforce; and defending use of the term "pickaninny" when referring to African American children. These controversies sparked a boycott against Arizona. Additionally, tensions grew between Mecham and members of his own party in the Arizona Legislature after The Arizona Republic alleged improper political appointments and cronyism.

Mecham's governorship lasted from January 5, 1987, until April 4, 1988, when he was removed following an impeachment trial that found him guilty of obstruction of justice and misappropriation of government funds—though Mecham asserted those funds were private. He was later acquitted in a separate criminal trial on related allegations. After his ouster, Mecham stayed politically engaged for nearly ten years, serving as a delegate at the Republican National Convention and making final attempts to regain the Arizona governorship and run for the United States Senate as an independent candidate challenging John McCain.

Early life and business career

Evan Mecham was born into a family affiliated with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Mountain Home, Utah, where he was raised on his family’s farm. As the youngest among five brothers and one younger sister, he completed his high school education as salutatorian at Altamont High School in 1942. Following this, he enrolled at Utah State Agricultural College with an agricultural scholarship. However, Mecham left college to enlist in the U.S. Army Air Corps in January 1943. He trained as a P-38 Lightning fighter pilot before being assigned to England, where he piloted P-51 Mustang aircraft. On March 7, 1945, during a photo reconnaissance escort mission, Mecham was shot down and subsequently spent 22 days as a prisoner of war. After recovering from injuries related to his capture, he returned to the U.S. and was honored with the Air Medal and Purple Heart. In May 1945, he married Florence Lambert and was discharged from military service by December of that year. Together, they raised seven children: Suzanne, Dennis, Christine, Eric, Teresa, Kyle, and Lance.

As a devoted member of the LDS Church, Mecham actively participated in church activities, including teaching Sunday school and serving as a bishop between 1957 and 1961. His faith emphasized reliance on divine guidance and strength during challenges. This conviction was evident during his gubernatorial tenure; one staffer recounted overhearing a conversation in Mecham’s office only to find him alone upon entering. Another colleague, Donna Carlson, noted that Mecham believed his election was ordained by divine right and consequently showed limited concern for others’ opinions.

In 1947, Mecham pursued studies in management and economics at Arizona State College. By 1950, he had left the institution just 16 credits short of graduation to establish Mecham Pontiac and Rambler dealerships in Ajo. He moved to Glendale in 1954, where he acquired a Pontiac dealership that he operated until selling it in March 1988. Known for frequent appearances in local television advertisements, Mecham popularized the slogan "If you can't deal with Mecham, you just can't deal." His Glendale dealership became the hub for several family enterprises including Mecham Racing, Hauahaupan Mining Company, and multiple automobile dealerships across other states.

Beyond his automotive ventures, Mecham owned several newspapers with limited longevity. One such publication was the Evening American, which functioned as a daily newspaper in Phoenix, peaking at a circulation of 27,000 before transitioning into a weekly format. Attempting to expand into the Phoenix and Tucson markets as a publisher, Mecham testified before the U.S. Senate Antitrust and Monopoly subcommittee on July 13, 1967. His testimony addressed legislation proposed by Senator Carl Hayden, which sought to grant partial exemption from the Sherman Antitrust Act for joint ventures between economically viable and struggling newspapers—allowing shared advertising, printing, and distribution while maintaining independent editorial operations. While proponents argued this would prevent newspaper closures, Mecham opposed the bill contending that it stemmed from politicians’ desire to curry favor with powerful press monopolies influencing voter decisions. He further asserted that "the tools of monopoly are in the common advertising and the common circulation department."

Political career

Mecham made his initial attempt to enter public office in 1952 while residing in Ajo, running unsuccessfully for a seat in the Arizona House of Representatives. After relocating to Glendale, he capitalized on the visibility gained from his television appearances to secure election to the Arizona Senate in the 1960 cycle. Following a single term as a state senator, Mecham sought the U.S. Senate seat held by Carl Hayden in the 1962 race. His campaign platform included demands for U.S. withdrawal from the United Nations and opposition to a U.S. Supreme Court decision restricting school prayer. Mecham first prevailed in the Republican primary against Stephen Shadegg, who had previously managed campaigns for Barry Goldwater. Goldwater chose to remain neutral during this contest. In the general election, Mecham received only lukewarm backing from his party due to Hayden’s valuable seniority in securing legislation for the proposed Central Arizona Project. Although Mecham lost the general election, he garnered a notable 45 percent of the vote.

Evan Mecham's residence at 5741 West Harmont Drive, Glendale

After his Senate bid, Mecham pursued the position of state Republican party chairman in 1963 without success and made multiple unsuccessful attempts at becoming Arizona’s governor in 1964, 1974, 1978, and 1982. Of these campaigns, he secured the Republican nomination only in 1978. His political philosophy emphasized Jeffersonian democracy, advocating for the abolition of income taxes, returning federal lands to state governance, eliminating federal control over education, and transferring welfare responsibilities to state authorities. In 1982, Mecham authored Come Back America, his first book detailing his earlier experiences and political ideology.

During his fifth gubernatorial campaign, Mecham positioned himself as a political outsider promoting reform and tax reduction. His opponent in the Republican primary was Burton Barr, former Majority Leader of the Arizona House of Representatives, who enjoyed backing from key GOP figures including Barry Goldwater and John McCain. Mecham’s base primarily consisted of fellow Mormons and members of the ultraconservative John Birch Society. Additionally, many retirees supported him due to his promises of tax cuts. Given Arizona’s significant transient voter population—only about half of registered voters in 1986 had resided there since 1980—many were unfamiliar with Mecham’s prior attempts at office. The primary election experienced its lowest turnout in nearly four decades, partly due to inclement weather. Despite trailing by fifteen points in polls early on, Mecham secured the Republican nomination with 54 percent of votes. Barr expended little of his campaign funds during the primary and ended with over one million dollars remaining.

The 1986 general election featured a three-way contest for governor. The Democratic Party nominated Carolyn Warner, then serving as state Superintendent of Public Education. Dissatisfaction among business and political leaders with both major candidates allowed Bill Schulz—a real estate developer and Democrat who had previously withdrawn from the Democratic primary due to family health issues—to enter the race as an independent after gathering sufficient petition signatures. Schulz had almost defeated Senator Barry Goldwater six years earlier. Goldwater was initially hesitant but eventually endorsed Mecham at a dinner event in Lake Havasu City. During this campaign period, Mecham’s automobile dealership was placed on probation by the state Automobile Dealers Association’s ethics committee for consistently delayed responses to customer complaints. The division of Democratic votes caused by Schulz’s independent candidacy enabled Mecham’s campaign to endure. Mecham ultimately won with a plurality of 40%, while Warner and Schulz obtained 34% and 26%, respectively.

Governorship

Evan Mecham was sworn into office on January 5, 1987. Among his touted achievements was the establishment of a trade office in Taiwan, which facilitated a $63 million cotton export deal. He also advanced efforts to curb drug abuse by enacting legislation that empowered the governor to appoint pro tempore judges specifically to address drug-related cases. Additionally, Mecham led an initiative within the National Governors Association advocating for an increase in the speed limit on rural highways from 55 mph (90 km/h) to 65 mph (105 km/h). He also backed legislation aimed at protecting Arizona businesses from hostile takeovers. Throughout his administration, a $157 million state budget deficit was eradicated through spending cuts.

Martin Luther King Jr. Day

Shortly after taking office, Mecham attracted national scrutiny by honoring a campaign pledge to revoke the paid Martin Luther King, Jr. Day holiday for state employees. This holiday had been established in May 1986 via executive order by former governor Bruce Babbitt, after the legislature declined to authorize it. The state's Attorney General subsequently issued a legal opinion deeming the paid holiday unlawful and threatened legal action against Mecham due to its cost, as it lacked legislative approval. In response to protests from civil rights advocates and the Black community following the holiday’s cancellation, Mecham controversially stated, "King doesn't deserve a holiday," and later told Black community leaders, "You folks don't need another holiday. What you folks need are jobs."

The cancellation sparked a protest march to the state capitol on January 19, 1987, the day the holiday would have been observed. Several conventions planned for Arizona were canceled, and prominent figures such as musician Stevie Wonder and author Harlan Ellison announced boycotts of the state. The rap group Public Enemy responded with their song "By the Time I Get to Arizona", whose music video depicted the assassination of Mecham via a bomb placed under his limousine and detonated remotely. During their April 1987 concert at Arizona State University in Tempe, rock band U2 publicly condemned Mecham, disclosed financial support for his impeachment campaign, and had him denounced on stage by a spokesperson before an audience that included media representatives.

After enduring months of criticism, Mecham declared a non-paid observance of MLK Day on the third Sunday in January; however, this gesture was met with widespread disapproval across Arizona.

Relations with legislature

Despite the fact that both chambers of the state legislature were under Republican control, Mecham maintained a strained relationship with state lawmakers. He frequently insisted that he was not obligated to collaborate with the legislature and claimed accountability solely to the United States Constitution, which he regarded as divinely inspired. Several appointments made by Mecham to critical executive roles—done without consulting legislative leaders—were later scrutinized for having questionable qualifications. Among these were his nominee for director of the Department of Liquor Licenses and Control, who was under a murder investigation; the head of the Department of Revenue, whose business owed $25,000 in unpaid employment compensation taxes; the intended supervisor of prison construction, who had a criminal record including armed robbery; and a former Marine selected as a state investigator who had been court-martialed twice. Additional political appointees who caused difficulties for Mecham included James Cooper, an education adviser who stated before a legislative committee that if a student claims the world is flat, teachers should not challenge that assertion; and Sam Steiger, Mecham’s special assistant, who faced extortion charges.

Mecham’s legislative efforts were hindered by his adversarial stance toward lawmakers. His campaign promise to reduce the state's sales tax by one percentage point did not pass, primarily because he failed to identify which programs would be cut, leaving legislators unable to assess impacts on their constituents. His proposed $2.3 billion budget, which included reductions in education funding and a freeze on state employee wages, was ultimately increased by $200 million through legislative action. Further alienating support, Mecham vetoed bills authored by influential legislators such as Senate Majority Leader Bob Usdane, who commented, "I'd say that the cooperation was not great, but it's his prerogative." House Majority Leader Jim Ratliff, once a Mecham backer, also saw his bill vetoed and remarked, "My only message to the governor is, if he thinks that people advising him to veto [my bill] can help him run the state of Arizona better than I can, then let them."

Other incidents

In addition to the controversy surrounding the cancellation of MLK Day, Mecham faced accusations of bias after defending the use of the derogatory term "pickaninny" to refer to black children. He also attributed high divorce rates to women participating in the workforce, asserted that America is fundamentally a Christian nation while addressing a Jewish audience, and remarked that a delegation of Japanese businessmen developed "round eyes" upon learning about the numerous golf courses in Arizona. When confronted with allegations of racism, Mecham responded, "I have black friends. I hire black people. I don't hire them because of their race; I hire them because they are the most qualified for the cotton-picking job." These remarks, among others, only intensified the accusations of racial prejudice directed at him following the MLK Day controversy.

Mecham frequently highlighted his contentious relationship with the media. He claimed that many difficulties he encountered stemmed from adversaries in the press cultivated during earlier political campaigns. The governor asserted, "The Phoenix newspaper monopoly has sought my political downfall for many years." He further noted, "Every daily newspaper in this state supported a candidate other than me. It’s taking them some time to accept that I was chosen by the people." In reaction to what he perceived as unfair media treatment, Mecham attempted to exclude a journalist from his press briefings. John Kolbe, a political columnist for the Phoenix Gazette and sibling of Congressman Jim Kolbe, was labeled a "non-person" following a February 25, 1987 column critical of Mecham's conduct at the National Governors Association. Subsequently, Mecham refused to acknowledge Kolbe’s presence or respond to his inquiries during a press conference and exited when other reporters echoed Kolbe’s questions. Another notable event occurred during a televised session when a reporter challenged Mecham’s honesty; the governor retorted, "Don’t ever ask me for a true statement again." Later, Mecham’s press secretary Ken Smith contended that the media largely misinterpreted this response. Smith acknowledged that although Mecham should not have spoken that way on camera, his message was intended as a warning against questioning his integrity rather than an outright denial of truthfulness. According to Smith, while Mecham frequently misspoke, he never deliberately lied.

In 1987, when questioned by a Phoenix Gazette reporter about the term "pickaninny" appearing in The Making of America, authored by Mecham’s mentor W. Cleon Skousen, Mecham defended its usage by stating, "When I was growing up, black people themselves used 'pickaninny' to refer to their children. It was never meant as an ethnic insult." This statement attracted nationwide attention and prompted Mecham to reiterate his defense of the term as historically contextual. Following this episode, Mecham’s administration became closely linked with the word "pickaninny." That same year, Doonesbury launched a six-strip series satirizing the governor. The initial strip showed Mecham saying, "My! What a cute little pickaninny!" while patting a black child's head. Subsequent strips mocked Mecham’s approach to tolerance, his political appointments, and Arizona's decline in tourism revenue. Although he briefly considered legal action against the comic strip's creator, Mecham ultimately chose to leave the matter confined to "the funny pages." During this turbulent period, Governor Mecham even called Arizona Republic political cartoonist Steve Benson, who would later receive a Pulitzer Prize in 1993, warning him to cease producing critical cartoons or risk endangering his eternal soul.

Throughout his tenure, Mecham exhibited concern about potential surveillance of his private conversations. One senior staff member suffered a broken leg after falling through a false ceiling while searching for hidden listening devices. The governor engaged a private investigator to conduct bug sweeps within his offices. Mecham remarked, "Whenever I’m at home or in my office, I keep a radio on constantly. It keeps out laser microphones." Following these reports, Benson published a political cartoon in the Arizona Republic depicting Mecham leaving his residence equipped for laser tag combat. When questioned about this by journalists, Attorney General Bob Corbin responded with amusement: "We don’t have any ray guns aimed at him."

Economic consequences

The negative attention surrounding Mecham's missteps resulted in detrimental economic repercussions for the state. Tourism declined as numerous groups and conventions relocated their events outside Arizona. In November 1987, a convention bureau based in the Phoenix area reported that Mecham's stance on Martin Luther King Day had led to the cancellation of 45 conventions, representing an economic loss exceeding $25 million (~$Template:Format price in Template:Inflation/year). Among these was a convention of the National Basketball Association planned for Phoenix. Following this cancellation, Mecham was quoted remarking, "Well, the N.B.A. I guess they forget how many white people they get coming to watch them play."

The governor’s public image also hindered economic growth beyond tourism. Several companies considering new facility locations, including US West and SEMATECH, expressed apprehension that Mecham’s comments signaled potential challenges in the state's business environment. Ioanna T. Morfessis, executive director of the Phoenix Economic Growth Corporation, noted, "When companies evaluate a state's environment they do not want anything suggesting the state is not functioning properly." As controversy intensified, even local business leaders withdrew their support. William L. Raby, chairman of the state chamber of commerce, remarked, "We usually back Republicans, but he's a different kind of Republican."

Efforts toward removal

Although Governor Mecham faced criticism throughout his tenure, it was only after six months in office that his nominal supporters began distancing themselves. In July 1987—the same month the recall initiative officially launched—thirteen Republican legislators convened to address concerns about the governor’s public image. Eleven members of this group, labeled the Dirty Dozen by local media, issued a collective statement condemning many of Mecham’s actions. Calls for his resignation followed several months later, with former U.S. Senator Barry Goldwater initiating the demand on October 9, 1987. As Mecham's difficulties escalated, other prominent Arizona politicians such as Congressman Jon Kyl and Senator John McCain urged him to resign; however, he remained resolute in retaining office.

Recall campaign

Initially formed in January 1987 as the Mecham Watchdog Committee, this group renamed itself the Mecham Recall Committee by May 1987. According to the Arizona Constitution, recall petitions cannot be circulated against an official until they have served at least six months—except legislators who may be recalled after five days. To trigger a recall election, petitions must gather signatures amounting to 25% of votes cast in the official’s most recent election. On July 6, 1987—the first permissible day for petition circulation—the recall committee embarked on collecting approximately 350,000 signatures, surpassing the required 216,746 threshold. The effort was led by Ed Buck, a registered Republican and openly gay businessman from Phoenix. In reaction, Mecham accused recall proponents of being "a band of homosexuals and dissident Democrats." Supporters of Mecham produced bumper stickers stating "Queer Ed Buck's Recall" after learning about Buck’s sexual orientation. Additionally, Mecham sent out 25,000 letters during September to conservatives nationwide urging them to relocate to Arizona and support him if a recall election occurred.

Signature collection for the recall proceeded in waves, often intensifying after specific actions by Mecham angered segments of voters. Hostility toward the governor reached a peak on August 15 when his attendance at Sun Devil Stadium before an exhibition NFL game provoked chants of "Recall! Recall!" alongside jeers. By mid-September, roadside signature gathering had exceeded the minimum required despite Arizona’s summer heat soaring to 115 °F (46 °C). The collection period spanned the full 120 days permitted under state law. On November 2, the committee submitted 32,401 petitions containing a total of 388,988 signatures—more than Mecham’s original vote count of 343,913. After receiving these petitions, Mecham declined to waive signature verification, necessitating county-level validation. On January 26, 1988, Secretary of State Rose Mofford informed Mecham that 301,032 signatures had been confirmed—enough to mandate a recall election. The recall vote was scheduled for May 17, 1988; former Republican Congressman John Rhodes agreed to challenge Mecham.<>

Impeachment

On October 21, 1987, the Arizona Republic published an article alleging that Mecham neglected to disclose a $350,000 loan from Barry Wolfson, a local real estate developer, to his election campaign, in violation of campaign finance regulations. These accusations were incorporated into a grand jury inquiry concerning claims that Mecham had diverted $80,000 of public funds to support his automobile dealership. Upon becoming aware of the purported Wolfson loan, the Speaker of the Arizona House of Representatives appointed a special counsel to examine the allegations. The third impeachment allegation centered on an alleged death threat issued by Horace Lee Watkins, a Mecham appointee, toward a government official in November 1987. Reports indicated that when Mecham learned of the threat, he reportedly instructed the head of the Arizona Department of Public Safety (DPS) to withhold information about the incident from the attorney general.

On January 8, 1988, a grand jury indicted Evan Mecham along with his brother Willard Mecham, who managed his campaign finances, charging them with three counts of perjury, two counts of fraud, and one count of failing to report a campaign contribution. If found guilty on all charges, they faced a potential sentence totaling 22 years in prison.

The special counsel appointed by the House Speaker submitted his findings on January 15. Following this report, the House initiated hearings regarding possible impeachment on January 19. These proceedings culminated in the adoption of House Resolution 2002 on February 8 by a vote tallying 46 in favor and 14 opposed. Following his impeachment by the House, Mecham’s gubernatorial powers were suspended and Rose Mofford assumed the role of acting governor. Since Arizona lacks a lieutenant governor, the secretary of state—provided they were elected by popular vote—assumes first place in the order of succession.

The Arizona State Senate convened as an impeachment court on February 29. Supporters of Mecham likened the impeachment proceedings to the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. The charges presented at trial included obstruction of justice, submitting false statements, and misappropriation of government funds. The Senate dismissed the charge related to false filings by a vote of 16 to 12. Perhaps most detrimental was Mecham’s own testimony during which he reiterated his belief that the legislature lacked jurisdiction over him and openly criticized individual legislators. On April 4, the Senate found Mecham guilty on obstruction of justice with a vote of 21 to 9 and on misuse of public funds with a vote of 26 to 4. A subsequent vote to bar Mecham from holding future state office resulted in a tally of 17 to 12—falling short of the required two-thirds majority for approval. Following his conviction, Mecham was removed from office and Mofford immediately assumed full gubernatorial duties. The planned recall election was nullified by the Arizona Supreme Court in a 4-to-1 decision affirming that constitutional succession protocols superseded state recall procedures.

Acquittal

The trial involving Mecham and his brother commenced on June 2, 1988. Legal experts reviewing the case afterward noted that the defense's most effective tactic was to prevent their clients from testifying. On June 10, 1988, the jury concluded that the prosecution did not demonstrate beyond a reasonable doubt that the Mechams intentionally falsified their campaign reports, resulting in their acquittal on all six felony counts.

Later life and legacy

Final resting place of Mecham (1924–2008) and his spouse, Florence (1925–2012)

After being removed from office and cleared in his criminal trial, Mecham continued to engage in political activities for several years. In August 1988, he participated as an at-large delegate at the 1988 Republican National Convention held at the Louisiana Superdome in New Orleans, Louisiana. He made an unsuccessful bid to reclaim the Arizona governorship in 1990. Two years later, during the 1992 election cycle, he garnered one nomination vote for President of the United States at the Constitution Party National Convention and ran as an independent candidate for the U.S. Senate against incumbent John McCain, earning 145,361 votes (10.52%). In 1995, Mecham assumed leadership of the Constitutionalist Networking Center, which aimed to establish a grassroots organization named Constitutionally Unified Republic for Everybody (CURE). This group supported political candidates who advocated for a strict interpretation of the United States Constitution.

Mecham endeavored for several years to launch a new newspaper but was unable to attract adequate financial support. In 1999, he published his third book entitled Wrongful Impeachment. Health complications including Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease, first publicly reported in 2004, led him to retreat from public life and enter the dementia care unit of the Arizona State Veterans' Home located in Phoenix. He passed away on February 21, 2008, in Glendale, Arizona, four years following his diagnosis, and was laid to rest at the National Memorial Cemetery of Arizona in Phoenix. His wife died in 2012 and was interred beside him.

The controversy surrounding the canceled Martin Luther King Day persisted long after Mecham's removal from office. In 1989, the Arizona legislature established a MLK holiday by eliminating the state's Columbus Day observance; however, this decision faced opposition from two factions—one conservative group objecting due to King's alleged communist associations and another consisting of Italian-Americans resisting the elimination of Columbus Day. Consequently, voter approval via referendum became necessary. During the 1990 state election, neither of two competing ballot measures—one proposing removal of Columbus Day to institute a MLK holiday and another suggesting an additional paid holiday—secured a majority despite approximately 65% of voters supporting some form of recognition for King. Following this rejection, Arizona's tourism officials estimated losses amounting to $190 million due to canceled concerts and conventions; additionally, the National Football League relocated Super Bowl XXVII, valued at roughly $150 million that year, from Arizona to Pasadena, California. A subsequent initiative passed in 1992 successfully established a statewide MLK holiday without eliminating Columbus Day. Thereafter, Arizona was awarded hosting rights for the 1996 Super Bowl XXX.

Mecham’s tenure also influenced election regulations within Arizona. In 1988, voters approved a constitutional amendment mandating a runoff election if no candidate achieved a majority during a general election. This rule was applied in the subsequent election cycle when Fife Symington III won more votes than Democratic contender Terry Goddard in the 1990 election but failed to secure an outright majority due to an independent candidate’s presence on the ballot. However, voters repealed this runoff requirement two years later in the November 1992 election.

Reflecting on Mecham’s legacy years later, his former press secretary expressed that public perception overlooked some positive attributes:

The unfortunate reality ... is that Mecham will be remembered as an inept and prejudiced figure who faced deserved consequences. Yet ... he possessed certain endearing personal traits. He sincerely cared about assisting disadvantaged populations. His grasp of economic development surpassed that of both his predecessor Bruce Babbitt and successor Rose Mofford. He championed economic fairness across races and minorities as a prerequisite for achieving political and social equality. He was deeply concerned about widespread drug abuse. Additionally, his planned initiative for that year [1988] involved launching a statewide campaign aimed at improving adult literacy rates. This dimension of Mecham was obscured amid controversies largely stemming from his own actions.

Publications

• Come Back America, MP Press, Glendale, Arizona, 1982.
• Impeachment: The Arizona Conspiracy, MP Press, Glendale, Arizona, 1988.
• Wrongful Impeachment, Prime News Press, 1999. Available with registration at archive.org.

References

• Marianne M. Jennings, "Evan Mecham," in John L. Myers (ed.), The Arizona Governors, 1912–1990, Heritage Publishers, Phoenix, 1989, pp. 168–174. Accessible with registration at archive.org.
• James W. Johnson, with illustrations by David 'Fitz' Fitzsimmons, Arizona Politicians: The Noble and the Notorious, University of Arizona Press, 2002.
• Ronald J. Watkins, High Crimes and Misdemeanors: The Term and Trials of Former Governor Evan Mecham, William Morrow & Co., New York, 1990. Available with registration at archive.org.

Further reading

• Ronald J. Bellus, Mecham: Silence Cannot Be Misquoted, Laurent's Printing & Services, Phoenix, 1988.
• "‘Doonesbury’ in Arizona," Newsweek, vol. 110, September 14, 1987, p. 41.
• "Arizona rejects 'Marx Brothers' rule," The Times, October 22, 1987.
• Peter Goudinoff and Sheila Tobias, "Arizona Airhead," The New Republic, vol. 197, October 26, 1987, pp. 15–16.
• James N. Baker and Randy Collier, "Evan Mecham's Phoenix Follies," Newsweek, vol. 111, March 14, 1988, p. 23.
• Alleen Pace Nilsen, "What did Evan Mecham ask the Pope? – the jokes that impeached a governor," Washington Monthly, vol. 20, May 1988, p. 21. Archived version available online.
• Kenneth V. Smith, "The resurrection of Evan Mecham," National Review, vol. 41, May 1989, pp. 42–43. Archived online.
• Jim Kiser, "Mecham lesson: Beware of overconfident politicians," Arizona Daily Star, October 24, 2004. Archived online.
• Joseph Garcia, "Let me tell you why I've always been fond of Evan Mecham," Tucson Citizen, October 25, 2004. Archived version accessible online.

External links

• Governor Evan Mecham featured in Arizona History Reference Guides
• Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday provided by the Arizona State Library, Archives and Public Records
• Documentation on Governor Evan Mecham’s impeachment by Ken Smith
• Template:C-SPAN