La Canadenca strike
| Industry | Electricity |
|---|---|
| Headquarters | Barcelona , Spain |
| Products | Electricity supply |
The Canadenca strike (, ) stands as a landmark labor action in Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain, initiated in February 1919 by the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and enduring for more than 44 days. What began as a strike at Barcelona's primary electricity firm, , a subsidiary of Barcelona Traction and commonly referred to as due to its principal shareholder, the Canadian Bank of Commerce of Toronto, quickly expanded into a widespread general strike that brought much of Catalonia's industrial activity to a halt. A significant consequence of this strike was the Spanish government’s enactment of the , marking the first legislation to cap the working day at eight hours.
Background
This strike coincided with the rapid growth of the anarcho-syndicalist CNT, whose membership soared from 80,541 in 1918 to 845,805 by 1919, reaching its zenith at the National Congress held in Madrid in December 1919. The action represented the CNT's inaugural major campaign following its reorganization into single unions through the Regional Confederation of Catalonia, an organizational model subsequently replicated across Spain. By focusing on Catalonia's leading electricity supplier, the strike aimed to pressure employers into formally acknowledging the CNT as a vital labor representative.
In January, prior to the commencement of hostilities, the Regional Confederation embarked on an extensive agitation drive, deploying prominent orators such as Salvador Seguí, Ángel Pestaña, and Manuel Buenacasa to regions including Levante and Andalusia. This mobilization alarmed governmental authorities, leading the administration under Álvaro de Figueroa, 1st Count of Romanones to suspend constitutional rights temporarily. In addition, CNT leaders including Negre, Buenacasa, and Seguí were detained, while unions and the periodical Solidaridad Obrera faced closure.
Initiation
The strike originated in support of eight employees dismissed from after their wages were cut due to a change from temporary to permanent employment status. Some of these dismissed workers were members of the CNT who sought union assistance, which led to their termination. On February 5, workers from the billing department launched a strike demanding reinstatement and appealed to local authorities for mediation. Management responded by summoning police forces to remove them, triggering additional departments within the company to join the walkout.
The dispute quickly transcended individual labor grievances, evolving into demands for union recognition and broader workers' rights. A strike committee was established under Simó Piera's leadership, comprising dismissed employees and CNT representatives. By February 8, virtually all personnel had ceased work; electric bill collectors also refused service. Sympathy strikes erupted in affiliated firms such as Electric Power of Catalonia. The La Canadenca workforce called for rehiring dismissed staff, wage increases, removal of strikebreakers, and assurances against reprisals. The company countered by accusing unions of politicizing the conflict. As many services dependent on La Canadenca ground to a halt, tensions escalated: on February 12 a strikebreaker collector was killed, and unrest spread to other sectors including public transportation and newspaper employees. On February 17 textile workers joined with demands encompassing an eight-hour workday, half-day Saturdays, elimination of piece-rate pay systems, full compensation during workplace accidents, prohibition of child labor under age fourteen, and guaranteed full weekly wages once employed.
General strike in Barcelona
On February 21, the industrial action within the electrical sector expanded to a general strike, encompassing employees from all electrical firms and bringing approximately 70% of Catalonia's industry to a halt, including trams and newspaper operations. Following consultations with the British embassy, authorities took control of the company and deployed engineering units along with naval personnel to manage operations, anticipating a four-day restoration period. Despite the governor’s position, Joaquín Milans del Bosch, Barcelona’s captain general, considered the declaration of a state of war necessary. By February 27, gas and water companies had also joined the widespread strike. Álvaro de Figueroa announced his intention to resign once public order was reestablished.
The government seized water services on March 1; meanwhile, the mayor engaged in talks with the strike committee, which put forward demands including the release of detainees, reopening of unions, and immunity for committee members within 48 hours. These requests were rejected by officials, who warned that any workers failing to return by March 6 would face dismissal. The strike extended to railway workers on March 7 and escalated into a full general strike by March 12. On March 9, Milans del Bosch proclaimed a state of war and ordered conscription of striking workers under threat of up to four years' imprisonment. The majority resisted this order, leading to nearly three thousand arrests at Montjuïc Castle.
Conclusion
By March 13, the government shifted toward negotiation efforts by dispatching sub-secretary José Morete to Barcelona; Carlos Montañés was appointed civil governor and Gerardo Doval assumed the role of chief of police. Although martial law and press censorship remained in effect, concerns mounted over the strike spreading to CNT strongholds such as Valencia, Zaragoza, and Andalusia, as well as possible solidarity actions from the UGT. Between March 15 and 16, discussions among unions, government representatives, and employers at the Institute of Social Reforms resulted in an agreement that included ending hostilities; releasing prisoners not facing trial; reinstating workers without reprisals; increasing wages for La Canadenca employees; establishing an eight-hour workday; and granting half a month’s strike pay. Worker approval was secured at a mass rally held at Las Arenas bullring on March 19, attended by roughly 25,000 people. Following intervention by Seguí, the strike was formally concluded.
Achievements
Regarded as one of Spain’s most impactful labor strikes, this conflict ended decisively in favor of the unions. Employees from La Canadenca, along with drivers, textile workers, and printers achieved significant improvements in their labor conditions. Most notably, on April 3, legislation enshrined the eight-hour workday—making Spain the pioneer country to enact such a law. Despite spanning forty-four days, violence remained limited to isolated episodes amid predominantly peaceful worker demonstrations. The strike elevated social issues within Catalan political discourse and reinforced the CNT’s position as a central force in both Catalonia and throughout Spain.
Aftermath
Just five days following their triumph at La Canadenca, on March 24 a new general strike erupted across Catalonia due to the government’s failure to free all imprisoned workers as previously agreed. This subsequent strike was driven by more uncompromising factions amid ongoing negotiations and provoked a more severe governmental crackdown involving army deployment and positioning machine guns and cannons throughout city streets. Paramilitary forces were authorized to manage stores, supply essential goods, and detain striking workers. On April 3, a decree mandated implementation of the eight-hour workday starting in October, encouraging many workers to return to their jobs and diminishing strike momentum until its end on April 14. Nevertheless, martial law persisted alongside intensified anti-union suppression.
A significant outcome was the establishment of the Catalan Employers' Federation by militant employers seeking to combat growing trade union influence responsible for these labor disputes. Anti-union tactics included lockouts, blacklisting, and mass terminations targeting union members. This hostile climate empowered anarchist militant groups mainly composed of dismissed or blacklisted workers who supplanted more moderate labor leaders. Simultaneously, political power shifted from the negotiation-oriented Álvaro de Figueroa toward Antonio Maura’s authoritarian approach, which further escalated repression. Notably, Bravo Portillo—previously incarcerated for collaborating with Germany during World War I—returned to Barcelona’s police force and played a prominent role in enforcing stringent measures.