Mariano Moreno

Mariano Moreno
Born	Buenos Aires, Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata
Died	March 4, 1811(1811-03-04) (aged 32)
Occupation(s)	Lawyer, journalist, political figure
Known for	Instrumental in establishment of the Primera Junta; founder of La Gazeta de Buenos Ayres; translator of Rousseau's The Social Contract

Mariano Moreno (; September 23, 1778 – March 4, 1811) was an Argentine lawyer, journalist, and political figure instrumental in the establishment of the Primera Junta, the initial national government of Argentina formed following the May Revolution.

Born in Buenos Aires in 1778 to Manuel Moreno y Argumosa, a Spanish immigrant originating from Santander, Spain, Moreno was the firstborn among fourteen siblings. He received his early education in Latin, logic, and philosophy at San Carlos Royal College under the guidance of Mariano Medrano. Subsequently, he pursued legal studies at St Francis Xavier University of Chuquisaca, where he adopted principles influenced by the Spanish Enlightenment. After marrying María Guadalupe Cuenca, Moreno returned to Buenos Aires and gained prominence as a lawyer representing the Buenos Aires Cabildo. Contrary to many criollos, he opposed the Carlotism initiative and the administration led by Santiago de Liniers, supporting instead the unsuccessful mutiny of Álzaga. Later, he served under Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros and authored The Representation of the Landowners, advocating for freer trade relations with Britain.

Although Moreno was not among the principal leaders during the May Revolution that deposed Cisneros, he was appointed secretary of war within the Primera Junta. Alongside Juan José Castelli, he enforced stringent policies against supporters of the former regime and strengthened the nascent government. These measures were detailed in a confidential document known as the Operations plan, though its authorship remains contested. Moreno coordinated military expeditions to Paraguay and Upper Peru, and supervised the execution of Santiago de Liniers after his counter-revolutionary attempt failed. He established Argentina's inaugural newspaper, La Gazeta de Buenos Ayres, and translated Rousseau's The Social Contract into Spanish.

As the Junta achieved early battlefield successes, its president, Cornelio Saavedra, opposed Moreno’s rigorous tactics, preferring a more moderate approach. Saavedra allied with Gregorio Funes to broaden the Junta’s composition, thereby diminishing Moreno’s influence. Amid persistent political conflicts, Moreno was dispatched on a diplomatic mission to Britain but died at sea during transit; his brother claimed he had been poisoned. Despite his death, Moreno’s adherents retained significant political sway for several years. Historical evaluations of his impact vary widely, ranging from admiration to critique. He is acknowledged as a foundational figure in Argentine journalism.

Birth and studies

Mariano Moreno was the eldest child among fourteen born to Manuel Moreno y Argumosa from Santander, Spain and Ana María del Valle. He attended the Colegio Grande de San Carlos, although financial limitations prevented him from residing on campus. Graduating with distinction, he continued his academic pursuits at the University of Chuquisaca, which was then South America’s sole major university.

Moreno immersed himself in the works of European Enlightenment philosophers such as Montesquieu, Voltaire, Denis Diderot, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. He learned English and French to study their original writings firsthand. This linguistic proficiency allowed him to work as a translator and focus particularly on Rousseau's The Social Contract, reflecting his conviction in societal reform through rational thought. Under the mentorship of priest Terrazas, he also explored ideas from the Spanish Enlightenment and authored a thesis condemning indigenous slavery in Potosí’s mines, drawing inspiration from jurists Juan de Solorzano Pereira and Victoria Villalva.

Around 1803–1804, Moreno began his professional journey as a labor advocate for indigenous communities under Augustine Gascón but encountered opposition from authorities in Cochabamba and Chayanta. Facing threats, he returned to Buenos Aires in 1805 accompanied by his wife María Guadalupe Cuenca and their son. There he worked as a reporter covering hearings for the Royal Audiencia and acted as legal counsel for the Buenos Aires Cabildo. His early cases included defending Melchor Fernández against Bishop Benito Lue y Riega and assisting the Cabildo in rejecting an ensign commission for a young Bernardino Rivadavia.

During the 1806 British invasions of the Río de la Plata, Moreno did not participate militarily but demonstrated loyalty to Spain through his writings. He kept a detailed diary documenting events to ensure an accurate record of the invasion’s circumstances. In 1807, after British forces seized Montevideo, they published a bilingual newspaper titled "The Southern Star" ("La estrella del sur"), which promoted free trade alongside Latin American independence under British protection.

The Royal Audiencia prohibited this publication and requested Moreno to write counter-articles; however, despite his allegiance to Spain, he refused as he sympathized with some critiques of colonial rule. Anticipating further hostilities, Moreno moved his family to rural areas. His vacant residence in Buenos Aires was later used as detention quarters for William Carr Beresford, British commander during the first invasion. Some acquaintances assisted Beresford’s escape to Montevideo, though Moreno’s involvement remains uncertain.

Initial political involvement

Despite being a criollo—a Spanish subject born in the Americas—Mariano Moreno did not side with other Buenos Aires-born criollos who sought to challenge the privileges held by those born in Spain. In contrast to criollo leaders such as Manuel Belgrano and Juan José Castelli, Moreno opposed both Viceroy Liniers and the Carlotist initiative, which proposed placing Carlota of Spain on the American throne. Instead, he formed an alliance with mayor Martín de Álzaga, acting as legal counsel for the Cabildo. Moreno drafted a petition addressed to the King of Spain, requesting that the Buenos Aires Cabildo be designated as Protector of the Cabildos of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, thereby centralizing local cabildo petitions through Buenos Aires.

On January 1, 1809, Álzaga led an uprising that Moreno supported. The objective was to depose Viceroy Santiago de Liniers and establish a government Junta, inspired by King Ferdinand VII’s capture during the Peninsular War and the formation of the Junta of Seville. Had this coup succeeded, Moreno would have been part of the new governing body. However, the rebellion was swiftly quelled by Cornelio Saavedra, commander of the Regiment of Patricians. Scholars continue to debate whether this mutiny aligned with or opposed the later aims of the May Revolution. Moreno served as Álzaga’s defense attorney in a trial charged with "independentism," though Liniers refrained from prosecuting Moreno directly.

After Liniers’ tenure, Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros pardoned those involved in the mutiny to reduce unrest and temporarily permitted free trade, benefiting British merchants allied with Spain during the Peninsular War. Nevertheless, concerns raised by the Consulate of Cadiz regarding economic and social consequences led Cisneros to reinstate Spain’s trade monopoly. A faction of hacendados, feeling inadequately represented within the Cabildo, engaged Moreno as their advocate. He composed The Representation of the Landowners, an extensive economic document promoting free trade and denouncing merchant privileges under Spanish monopoly policies. This report reflected prevailing European economic theories and highlighted widespread smuggling of British goods despite official prohibitions. Some academics question whether Moreno authored it alone, proposing it may have been an updated version of an earlier report by Manuel Belgrano, Secretary of the Commerce Consulate of Buenos Aires.

Primera Junta

Though Mariano Moreno had connections with factions seeking to remove Cisneros, he was not deeply involved in the initial stages of the May Revolution, which aimed to overthrow the viceroy and establish a local junta. Initially loyal to Álzaga, Moreno attended the May 22 open Cabildo, where he remained silent but voted in favor of Saavedra’s proposal to replace Cisneros with a Junta. A suggestion to appoint five counselors—including Moreno—was rejected. Feeling betrayed when the Cabildo formed a Junta under Cisneros’ leadership, Moreno withdrew from active revolutionary participation. The final members of the Junta were selected through a popular petition on May 25; Moreno’s inclusion likely served to balance Carlotist and Alzaguist factions.

The newly formed Junta encountered strong resistance from institutions such as the Buenos Aires Cabildo, the Royal Audiencia of Buenos Aires, and neighboring regions like Montevideo and Paraguay, while Santiago de Liniers led a counter-revolutionary movement in Córdoba. Within this context, Moreno became head of the Junta’s radical faction, supported by popular figures including Domingo French, Antonio Beruti, Dupuy, Donado, Orma, Cardozo, and priests Grela and Aparicio. Historian Carlos Ibarguren observed that Morenist youth actively disseminated new political ideas and transformed the "Marcos" coffeehouse into a center for political discourse. Inside the Junta, Moreno enjoyed backing from both Manuel Belgrano and Juan José Castelli. During riots associated with the May Revolution, French commanded the radical regiment "América," also known as "The Star."

Moreno established the official newspaper Gazeta de Buenos Ayres by decree on June 2, overseeing its editorial direction and instituting a freedom-of-the-press policy permitting publications unless they offended public morals or undermined either the Revolution or government authority. Among its content were works by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos and Moreno’s own translation of Rousseau’s The Social Contract, from which he omitted religious chapters to avoid controversy. Conservatives such as Tomás de Anchorena criticized these actions for potentially inciting disorder. Although his writings expressed loyalty to Ferdinand VII initially, by November 1810 Moreno hinted at aspirations for independence, suggesting that popular sovereignty might limit monarchical power and that any returning Ferdinand VII would be bound by constitutional provisions enacted during his absence.

Early in his administration, Moreno issued decrees penalizing those who incited discord or concealed conspiracies against the Junta. He also restructured military units composed of indigenous peoples ("Pardos" and "Morenos"), granting them ranks equivalent to those held by Spanish troops. This reform invoked early decrees issued by the Catholic Monarchs to guarantee equal privileges across racial lines.

Measures against Royalist Factions

Following the defeat of the Junta of Seville, the Regency Council was established. The Primera Junta, however, declined to pledge allegiance to this new authority, whereas the Royal Audiencia did so, thereby challenging local governance. In response, the Junta summoned members of the Audiencia along with former viceroy Cisneros and exiled them to Spain under the premise of protecting their lives. Subsequently, loyalists were appointed to fill positions within the Audiencia. Moreno condemned the Audiencia for undermining the government's legitimacy and defended the Junta’s decisive actions as essential for maintaining public order.

The Junta encountered resistance in Montevideo, where there was also dissent regarding Cisneros' exile. Moreno countered by reaffirming the Primera Junta's rightful authority, criticizing the Regency Council’s stance, and underscoring that Spanish overseas territories possessed equal rights to establish Juntas—a principle discussed during the open cabildo. He advocated for unity and loyalty toward the metropolis, urging both cities to acknowledge Ferdinand VII as their lawful sovereign. Moreno clarified that although the Junta initially exercised leniency toward exiles, their persistent defiance—particularly from Cisneros—provoked popular unrest. Echoing this position, Matías Irigoyen conveyed to British envoy Lord Strangford in Rio de Janeiro that the Junta’s objective was not independence but preventing a return to former conditions.

Initial Military Campaign

The inaugural expedition, commanded by Francisco Ortiz de Ocampo, advanced toward Córdoba with the mission to quell the counter-rebellion orchestrated by ex-viceroy Santiago de Liniers before moving on to Upper Peru. Ocampo was instructed to apprehend counter-revolutionary figures and send them back to Buenos Aires for judicial proceedings. As the insurrection escalated, Moreno, alongside Castelli and Paso, pressed the Junta to permit immediate execution of captured leaders rather than trials. The Junta consented to this stringent policy and communicated it to Ocampo.

Despite defeating the counter-revolution in August, Ocampo spared these prisoners after persuasion from Gregorio Funes—a prominent Córdoba patriot—due to their significant local support. Among those detained were Liniers, Córdoba’s governor, and a bishop. Moreno disapproved of Ocampo’s clemency, demanding strict compliance and convened a new Junta session. He submitted a memorandum stating emphatically, "If Liniers does not die, LET HIM LIVE!" (with emphasis on the latter). Consequently, Ocampo was dismissed; Castelli assumed command with Nicolás Rodríguez Peña as secretary and Domingo French assigned as escort leader. They intercepted the prisoner convoy at Cabeza de Tigre, executing all except Bishop Orellana for religious considerations.

The combined forces under Ocampo and Castelli were re-designated as the Army of the North and initiated the First Upper Peru campaign. Moreno issued rigorous orders: surveil affluent individuals closely; execute royalist leaders Goyeneche, Nieto, Paula Sanz, and the bishop upon sight; and authorize troops to plunder enemy resources following victories to instill fear.

Nevertheless, support remained limited—only Cochabamba and Charcas actively endorsed the revolution. Indigenous communities hesitated due to apprehensions about royalist reprisals. Moreno’s vision for Upper Peru included emancipation of indigenous peoples and nationalization of Potosí’s mines but encountered opposition from locals benefiting from existing arrangements. While Castelli suggested advancing toward Lima, Moreno directed him to maintain current positions.

Second Expedition

The military campaign in Paraguay, commanded by Manuel Belgrano, adhered to Moreno's instructions to aid indigenous communities at missions in Corrientes. Belgrano extended civil and political privileges to these groups, allocated land, permitted trade with the United Provinces, eliminated taxes for a decade, abolished torture, and removed barriers to holding public or religious positions.

Moreno implemented rigorous policies targeting royalist elements, directing local officials to suppress clandestine organizations and activities that fostered mistrust. A decree issued by the Junta authorized the seizure of property from those departing without authorization, mandated secrecy concerning military armaments, and imposed severe penalties—including exile or execution—on individuals spreading dissent or engaging in divisive correspondence. Among the affluent exiles were Francisco Beláustegui and Pablo Villariño. Critics such as Manuel Andrés Arroyo y Pinedo accused Moreno of conflating dissent with disloyalty, cautioning that egalitarian principles might have adverse effects. Moderate revolution advocates like Gregorio Funes and Dámaso Uriburu condemned the absence of legal safeguards and likened Moreno’s faction to the French Jacobins.

Moreno maintained that the Revolution’s survival depended on success across the continent but championed peaceful Latin American integration based on equality rather than conquest. In the Gazeta, he warned against substituting European oppressors with porteño rulers, underscoring cooperation instead of domination. He lauded uprisings in Cochabamba and Chile as encouraging developments for regional sovereignty.

Operations plan

At Manuel Belgrano’s suggestion, the Junta tasked Mariano Moreno with formulating a political framework defining broad objectives and procedures, known as the "Operations plan". Although some historians question its authenticity, proponents argue the document’s content is consistent with actions undertaken by the Primera Junta.

This plan stressed the necessity of decisively defeating royalist forces through measures comparable to those employed by Jacobins during the French Revolution. It rejected political moderation amid revolutionary turmoil, regarding opposition as a threat warranting punishment. Drawing parallels between South America’s revolution and those in France and North America, it promoted favoring patriots in governmental roles while vigilantly monitoring and severely sanctioning Peninsulars, especially those possessing wealth or influence. To achieve this, it proposed establishing a network of espionage. This strategy aligned with responses to the Liniers counter-revolution and anticipated tactics later adopted by Simón Bolívar. Moreno identified leaders such as José Gervasio Artigas as crucial allies and advocated support for local patriots in Chile and Paraguay.

On the international front, Moreno opposed slavery in neighboring Portuguese Brazil and recommended disseminating libertarian ideas through Gazeta de Buenos Ayres newspapers translated into Portuguese. He suggested providing military assistance for slave revolts and viewed Britain as a potential partner against absolutism, capable of supplying weapons and goods. Nonetheless, he warned against allowing British dominance over the national economy, criticizing Britain's control over Portugal and its expanding influence in Brazil.

From an economic perspective, the plan addressed the absence of a bourgeoisie capable of spearheading development by advocating strong governmental intervention. Moreno proposed allocating 200–300 million pesos toward factories, manufacturing, agriculture, navigation, and other vital sectors. These enterprises would be state-managed to reduce bankruptcy risks and promote economic self-sufficiency. Funding would derive from nationalizing mines in Potosí and confiscating wealth held by slaveholders. While this would negatively affect a few thousand individuals, it aimed to benefit tens of thousands. State control was intended as a temporary measure until industries matured enough to function under regulatory frameworks.

Although early 19th-century liberalism generally opposed confiscation, Moreno regarded concentrated wealth as detrimental to society because it fostered self-interested economic domination rather than addressing broader social concerns.

The plan also called for limiting capital flight and imposing steep tariffs on luxury imports. This protectionist approach differed from that of The Representation of the Hacendados, which rejected complete trade embargoes with Britain but did not oppose protective measures. As secretary, Moreno reduced export tariffs while maintaining elevated import duties to shield domestic industries.

Internal conflicts

Following the May Revolution, Mariano Moreno and Cornelio Saavedra found themselves at odds regarding the direction of governance, with their disagreements becoming public shortly after the establishment of the Junta. Saavedra held the presidency while Moreno served as secretary, each supported by distinct factions. Supporters of Moreno perceived Saavedra as attempting to reinstate an authority reminiscent of the viceroys, thereby marginalizing other Junta members; conversely, Saavedra’s followers accused Moreno of exceeding his authority, even obstructing appointments such as those for janitorial positions. Later reflections by Domingo Matheu suggested that the core issue was less about power struggles and more about Saavedra’s pursuit of personal honors. Moreno encountered opposition from criollos unsettled by his forthright advocacy for self-rule and liberty, theologians wary of his secular leanings, as well as conservative lawyers and military officials resistant to his reforms.

By October, Moreno’s initiatives began to alienate some early allies—merchants opposed his protectionist policies, while military connections to elite interests fostered further dissent. Upon discovering Cabildo members loyal to the Regency Council, including Julián Leiva and Juan José de Lezica, the Junta detained them. Moreno advocated for execution as a means of deterrence, accusing them of conspiring with Montevideo’s Cabildo; Saavedra preferred a more lenient approach and declined to involve the military in carrying out executions. Ultimately, these detainees were exiled.

Moreno’s only direct military backing came from Domingo French’s "The Star" regiment; although Castelli and Belgrano supported him ideologically, they were occupied elsewhere. While revolutionary activists and certain Junta members aligned with Moreno, Saavedra maintained strong support from the Regiment of Patricians, merchants, and moderate adherents of the previous regime. In an effort to shift military influence, Moreno sought to reform promotion criteria from seniority-based to merit-based systems—a change that antagonized those benefiting from established practices. He also prioritized garnering popular backing among lower social strata to ensure revolutionary success, although widespread grassroots participation only fully emerged during later conflicts such as the Guerra Gaucha.

After the Battle of Suipacha, Saavedra advocated for a reduction in revolutionary harshness, culminating in a banquet hosted by the Patricians Regiment that notably excluded Moreno—an intentional slight that intensified existing tensions. An incident involving a drunken officer giving a royalist salute to Saavedra prompted Moreno to issue the "Honours Suppression decree", which abolished traditional privileges linked to the presidency inherited from viceroys. Duarte was exiled as a result; Moreno defended this decree as a necessary measure for protecting national liberty. Although Saavedra signed without objection, Gregorio Funes observed growing resentment toward Moreno among Patricians.

On the international front, Lord Strangford criticized severe actions such as Liniers’ execution by the Junta, while Brazil expressed concern over revolutionary ideas spreading through the Gazeta in Rio Grande do Sul. To address this, Brazil dispatched Carlos José Guezzi to negotiate with Montevideo royalists and promote Carlota Joaquina’s claims to regency. Guezzi met with Saavedra in July and received conditional support dependent on Spanish recognition of Carlota’s rights. However, Moreno rejected Brazilian mediation efforts and refused to send representatives, emphasizing that the Junta represented solely the interests of the United Provinces and dismissing mediation under threat of military force. Guezzi was expelled promptly thereafter. He later described Moreno as "the Robespierre of the day" and accused the Junta of harboring republican ambitions.

In December, deputies from other provinces arrived in Buenos Aires predominantly aligned with Saavedra; Gregorio Funes played a significant role in influencing them. Debate ensued over whether to integrate these deputies into the Junta or establish a constituent assembly—Moreno supported forming an assembly but was outvoted as deputies joined the Junta instead. Although Moreno offered his resignation amid this dispute, it was not accepted. This episode presaged ongoing tensions between Buenos Aires and other provinces that would shape Argentine politics for years to come. Some interpret this conflict as an early indication of Unitarian versus Federalist divisions; however, historians caution against applying these later political labels to Moreno, emphasizing his primary focus on achieving immediate independence rather than defining long-term political frameworks.

Political decline and death

Initially, Hipólito Vieytes was designated for a diplomatic role in Britain; however, Moreno requested this position and received approval from Saavedra. Moreno embarked on the journey accompanied by his brother Manuel Moreno and secretary Tomás Guido aboard the schooner Fame. During the trip, his health worsened significantly. Despite multiple appeals, the ship’s captain, Walter Bathurst, declined to dock at stops such as Rio de Janeiro or Cape Town. Bathurst administered an emetic containing antimony potassium tartrate, which induced intense convulsions. Moreno passed away soon thereafter. His remains were wrapped in a Union Jack and committed to the sea following a musket salute.

Manuel Moreno later proposed that the captain might have poisoned his brother, pointing to factors such as the refusal to make port calls, slow navigation, the covert administration of the emetic, and Bathurst’s failure to return to Buenos Aires. No post-mortem examination was conducted. Historian Enrique de Gandía highlighted an irregular decision by the Junta appointing Curtis as Moreno’s successor. Anonymous condolence gifts sent to Moreno’s family further fueled suspicions of foul play, which became a subject during the Junta’s trial of residence. Testimony from Juan Madera revealed that Moreno feared assassination and may have voiced these concerns before resigning. Nonetheless, contemporary analysis by Manuel Luis Martín determined that Moreno’s death resulted from natural causes.

Legacy

Although Moreno died, his faction maintained significant influence in Buenos Aires politics. Morenists accused Saavedra and Funes of plotting to install Carlota as monarch and instigated an uprising involving "The Star" Regiment. In response, Saavedrists organized an insurrection on May 5–6, 1811, demanding the expulsion of Morenist members Nicolás Rodríguez Peña, Hipólito Vieytes, Miguel Azcuénaga, and Juan Larrea from the Junta; exile of Domingo French, Antonio Beruti, Agustín Donado, Gervasio Posadas, and Ramón Vieytes; along with the recall and trial of Manuel Belgrano—effectively removing Morenist influence from governance.

The period of Saavedrist control was short-lived. Military defeats triggered a political upheaval; the First Triumvirate supplanted and subsequently dissolved the Junta Grande. Former supporters of Moreno—including Belgrano, Dupuy, Tomás Guido, Beruti, Monteagudo, French, and Vicente López—later aligned with José de San Martín’s military campaign. The Argentine War of Independence evolved into a conflict between unitarians and federals. Saavedrists such as Martín Rodríguez and Saavedra sided with unitarians. Meanwhile, Manuel Moreno, French, Agrelo, Vicente López, and Pancho Planes opposed both the First Triumvirate and unitarian president Bernardino Rivadavia. Notably, Manuel Moreno and Tomás Guido served under federal leader Juan Manuel de Rosas.

The enduring impact of Mariano Moreno is commemorated by naming the National Library of the Argentine Republic in his honor.

Historical perspectives

Early Argentine historians depicted Mariano Moreno as the principal figurehead of the Revolution and a prominent historical personality consistent with the Great Man theory. This interpretation was reinforced by liberal historians such as Ricardo Levene, particularly in works like La Revolución de Mayo y Mariano Moreno. Biographers portrayed him as a composed statesman, distinguished economist, dedicated democrat, and strong leader—often characterizing him as an Anglophile aligned with the May Revolution's governmental agenda.

Revisionist writers later contested this portrayal by elevating Saavedra as the popular leader while accusing Moreno of British sympathies, demagoguery, paranoia, and promoting impractical European ideals unsuited for local realities. For instance, Año X by Hugo Wast exemplifies this critical viewpoint by casting Moreno in a negative light and blaming him for harsh Junta policies—sometimes labeling him a terrorist or proto-Marxist—while liberal historians tended to minimize these critiques.

Contemporary researchers such as Ernesto Palacio, Norberto Galasso, and Jorge Abelardo Ramos strive for a nuanced reevaluation that rejects both excessively favorable liberal interpretations and severe revisionist critiques. They do not regard Bernardino Rivadavia as Moreno’s ideological successor nor interpret the push toward British alliance as mere Anglophilia; rather they consider it a constrained strategic choice by the Primera Junta. The Representation... is seen as a commissioned document with minimal influence on Cisneros’ policies, who favored free trade within international frameworks. The Junta’s stringent measures are acknowledged but attributed collectively rather than solely to Moreno’s initiative; these actions are viewed as comparable to royalist responses in other regional uprisings.

Moreno is recognized as a proponent of liberalism, advocating for free trade, in contrast with figures like Álzaga.

Journalism

Mariano Moreno is acknowledged as Argentina's pioneering journalist due to his establishment of the Gazeta de Buenos Ayres. Since 1938, June 7—the date marking its inaugural issue—has been commemorated as "Journalist's Day" in Argentina. The Gazeta emerged as the first newspaper following the May Revolution, succeeding earlier colonial publications such as the Telégrafo Mercantil (1801), Semanario de Agricultura Industria y Comercio (1802), and the Correo de Comercio de Buenos Aires (1810).

Although Moreno alone signed the decree that created the Gazeta, it represented a decision made collectively by the Junta. Manuel Alberti was officially appointed as director; however, Moreno was the one who effectively oversaw its operations. While some historians dispute this fact, contemporary sources confirm Moreno’s leadership role. Although often portrayed as a defender of press freedom, the Gazeta was government-funded and restricted to publishing content aligned with official policies, which today would be seen as a form of media partiality.

Personal life

Moreno came from a modest background but his family owned a home and several slaves. His mother, Ana María del Valle y Ramos, was among the few literate women in Buenos Aires at that time. As the oldest of fourteen siblings, Moreno relocated to Chuquisaca accompanied by his brother Manuel and friend Tomás Guido, after securing family financial support. The journey resulted in him contracting rheumatism, which caused recurring health issues later on.

In Chuquisaca, Moreno encountered María Guadalupe Cuenca through a miniature portrait displayed at a silversmith’s shop. Both were expected to enter religious vocations, and Moreno’s father opposed their marriage. Despite this opposition, they wed secretly and had one child together—a son named Mariano.

When Moreno left for Europe on a diplomatic assignment in 1811, his wife and son stayed behind in Buenos Aires. María wrote numerous letters describing local events, most of which were penned after Moreno’s death—a fact she only learned about the following August through Manuel Moreno. Subsequently, she petitioned the First Triumvirate for a widow’s pension amounting to thirty pesos.

Beliefs

During his time in Chuquisaca, Mariano Moreno engaged deeply with French and Spanish Enlightenment thinkers. Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s The Social Contract significantly influenced him; Moreno translated this work into Spanish and employed it to legitimize the actions of the Primera Junta. Figures such as Ignacio Núñez and Tomás de Anchorena acknowledged him as the translator at the time. However, some scholars have cast doubt on this claim since the book was "reprinted in Buenos Ayres," and Vicente Fidel López suggested that Moreno may have reissued a translation by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos—though notable differences exist between their versions. Others like Paul Groussac and Ricardo Levene questioned Moreno’s authorship but did not propose an alternative translator. Enrique de Gandía contends that contemporary recognition combined with the lack of previous similar translations supports attributing the translation to Moreno until evidence suggests otherwise.

Despite his engagement with French philosophical works, Moreno was neither a Francophile nor an afrancesado. His cultural identity remained strongly Spanish, shaped more by his experiences in Chuquisaca than by literary influences alone. Aligning himself with Spanish Enlightenment ideals, he held firm religious convictions—evidenced by his removal of Rousseau’s chapter critical of religion from his translation—and never affiliated with Freemasonry. Although he abandoned ecclesiastical studies to pursue law and marriage, he never entered priesthood formally; therefore, no defrocking took place. His mentors, including Terrazas, supported his decision to change career paths.

Physical appearance

The most recognized depiction of Mariano Moreno originates from the painting Mariano Moreno en su mesa de trabajo, created by Chilean artist Pedro Subercaseaux to commemorate the centenary of Argentina's May Revolution in 1910. This work was commissioned by historian Adolfo Carranza, who regarded Moreno as the revolution’s principal leader and driving force, and sought to capture this symbolic role through allegorical imagery. In the portrait, Moreno is presented with a genial demeanor, featuring a broad forehead, an open countenance, and a calm expression. This stylistic portrayal influenced later representations. Nevertheless, since it was produced a hundred years after Moreno’s passing and without authentic contemporary references, it is largely a product of artistic interpretation. It is documented that Moreno bore smallpox scars from childhood at age eight, though these were not markedly disfiguring.

A portrait considered more faithful to his true likeness emerged subsequently: painted between 1808 and 1809 by the Peruvian silversmith Juan de Dios Rivera prior to Moreno’s appointment as secretary of the Junta. This image reveals an elongated facial structure, thick hair, prominent sideburns, large eyes, and a sharp nose, and is currently regarded as the most accurate visual representation of Moreno.

Bibliography

• Julio Mario Luqui-Lagleyze

External links

• Biography by the Ministry of Education
• Biography of Mariano Moreno
• Writings by Mariano Moreno