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Mikhail Khodorkovsky

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Mikhail Khodorkovsky
Born (1963-06-26) June 26, 1963 (age 63)
Moscow, Soviet Union
Occupation(s)Businessman, opposition figure
Known forFormer wealthiest Russian individual; former owner of Yukos oil company; political opposition figure

Mikhail Borisovich Khodorkovsky (, ; born 26 June 1963), commonly referred to as MBK, is a Russian businessman, former oligarch, and opposition figure currently living in exile in London. In 2003, he was recognized as Russia's wealthiest individual, with an estimated net worth of $15 billion, ranking 16th on the Forbes list of billionaires. His career began with involvement in the Soviet Komsomol, and in 1989 he established Bank Menatep. Throughout the privatization wave of the 1990s, Khodorkovsky gained control over Siberian oil assets that were merged into Yukos, a significant enterprise emerging from the "Loans for Shares" program.

In 2001, he launched Open Russia to support reforms aimed at strengthening civil society. After his arrest in October 2003 on accusations of fraud, the Russian authorities froze Yukos’ shares due to tax disputes, causing a sharp decline in both the company’s stock value and Khodorkovsky’s fortune. He received a nine-year sentence in 2005 and was subsequently convicted of embezzlement and money laundering in 2010, which extended his imprisonment until 2014. Following advocacy efforts by Hans-Dietrich Genscher, President Vladimir Putin granted him a pardon in December 2013.

Numerous international observers regarded the legal proceedings against Khodorkovsky as politically driven and criticized the fairness of the trials. He appealed his case to the European Court of Human Rights, which found procedural violations but upheld that the charges were supported by "reasonable suspicion." Amnesty International classified him as a prisoner of conscience.

After his release, Khodorkovsky relocated first to Switzerland and then settled in London. By the end of 2013, his estimated wealth ranged between $100 million and $250 million, increasing to approximately $500 million by 2014. In December 2016, €100 million of his assets previously frozen in Ireland were released.

In 2014, Khodorkovsky revived Open Russia with a focus on promoting electoral transparency, political education, independent media, and legal reforms. The Economist referred to him as "the Kremlin's foremost critic-in-exile."

Early life and education

Born to Boris and Marina Khodorkovsky—both engineers residing in Moscow—Mikhail was raised during the Soviet era. His father was Jewish while his mother adhered to Orthodox Christianity; both parents opposed communism but concealed this from Mikhail, who was born in 1963. The family enjoyed a modest lifestyle in a two-room apartment on Moscow’s outskirts. They deliberately raised him to be a loyal Soviet citizen, which led him to become an ardent Communist Party supporter and active member of Komsomol.

Demonstrating ambition and academic excellence, Khodorkovsky earned a chemical engineering degree from D. Mendeleev University of Chemical Technology of Russia in 1986. During his university years, he married Yelena; they had one son named Pavel. Subsequently, he formed a relationship with Inna, with whom he had three children. He maintained amicable ties with his first wife, who later became an advocate for his release from prison.

First business activities

Following his graduation in 1986, Khodorkovsky pursued full-time work within the Komsomol—a common political career path under Soviet rule. However, rather than following a traditional trajectory, he capitalized on semi-official channels and informal opportunities to develop entrepreneurial ventures. Taking advantage of Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika reforms, Khodorkovsky and associates established a private café operating under Komsomol jurisdiction.

Leveraging connections within the Communist Party—most notably his friendship with Komsomol leader Alexey Golubovich whose parents held influential posts at Gosbank—he accessed emerging market-oriented opportunities. His initial enterprises involved importing personal computers and allegedly distributing counterfeit alcoholic beverages. Additionally, he ventured into finance by devising methods to extract capital from the Soviet planned economy system.

Menatep

In 1987, Khodorkovsky and his associates launched the Center for Scientific and Technical Creativity of the Youth, initially focused on importing and reselling computers along with other merchandise. This initiative became the foundation for establishing Bank Menatep.

The listing of Menatep’s shares in the United States was closely supported by personnel from the Bank of New York, connected to Bruce Rappaport. From 1992, Natasha Gurfinkel Kagalovskaya—spouse of former Bank Menatep executive Konstantin Kagalovsky—managed the Bank of New York’s Eastern European operations. Her banking career began in 1986 at Irving Trust, which merged into the Bank of New York in 1988. Vladimir Kirillovich Golitsyn, also known as "Mickey" Galitzine, previously led the Bank of New York’s Eastern European division and first visited Russia in 1990.

In 1989, Khodorkovsky and his partners secured a banking license, reportedly financed through sales of used computers, to establish Bank Menatep—one of Russia’s earliest private banks. The bank experienced rapid growth, channeling most deposits into Khodorkovsky’s import-export businesses—a strategy that raised questions about its prudence. Additionally, the government entrusted Menatep with managing funds designated for Chernobyl disaster victims. Reflecting on his daring approach, Khodorkovsky later remarked:

Years afterward, I asked others why they hadn’t pursued similar ventures. Many heads of institutes had far greater opportunities than I did. They explained they had lived through a period when such activities were permitted and expected it to be the same again, so they refrained. But I... I was too young to remember that! I simply went for it.

During this era, Khodorkovsky acquired Yukos oil company for approximately $300 million through a manipulated auction process. Subsequently, he secured hundreds of millions in loans from foreign sources. Following Russia’s 1998 financial crisis, Khodorkovsky defaulted on some international debts and relocated his Yukos shares offshore to protect them from creditors.

Yeltsin adviser

Khodorkovsky held an economic advisory role in Boris Yeltsin’s initial government. During the unsuccessful 1991 coup attempt by Communist hardliners, he actively defended the administration at Moscow’s White House. Shortly thereafter, disenchanted with Communism, he and business partner Leonid Nevzlin co-wrote a "capitalist manifesto," The Man with the Ruble, promoting profit as a guiding principle and advocating for wealth accumulation through lawful means.

Yukos acquisition

By 1992, Khodorkovsky was appointed chairman of the Investment Promotion Fund for the fuel and energy sector and became Deputy Minister of Fuel and Energy in 1993. In 1996, Menatep purchased Yukos—a leading Russian oil producer burdened with over $3.5 billion in debt—for $309 million.

Throughout the 1990s, Khodorkovsky profited from currency speculation and acquired privatization vouchers—shares distributed to Russian citizens during privatization—enabling him to control stakes in around 30 companies. During the 1995 privatization of major state assets, Khodorkovsky and fellow oligarchs lent funds to the government secured by stock collateral, anticipating a default that would transfer ownership to them. This tactic effectively privatized key industries such as oil and gas without parliamentary consent, allowing Khodorkovsky to secure control over Yukos.

After acquiring Yukos—a conglomerate comprising more than 20 mostly underperforming firms—he concentrated on transforming them into profitable enterprises. Unlike many oligarchs known for extravagant displays of wealth, Khodorkovsky refrained from ostentation; instead, he established a retreat named Apple Orchard near Moscow for Yukos executives. His management style was direct and disciplined; he likened business to a game where winning was essential but losing remained a possibility, emphasizing the thousands who worked alongside him.

Nevzlin recalled Khodorkovsky’s unwavering resolve and reliance on data-driven decision-making. Despite intense emotions, Khodorkovsky maintained composure and was recognized for his iron will and relentless pursuit of information and innovation.

European Union Bank in Antigua

In 1994, Khodorkovsky briefly held the position of director at the European Union Bank, an internet-based financial institution headquartered in Antigua. The bank soon collapsed amid allegations from regulatory authorities accusing it of fraudulent activities.

Bank failure

By 1998, Khodorkovsky had developed an import-export enterprise generating an annual revenue of approximately 80 million rubles (around US$10 million). Nevertheless, the 1998 financial crisis in Russia triggered the collapse of his bank and caused major difficulties for Yukos due to declining oil prices. This experience altered his view of capitalism, making him aware of its capacity to produce both prosperity and adversity.

Early philanthropic activities

Following the rebound in oil prices, Khodorkovsky established the Open Russia Foundation in 2001, based at Somerset House in London, with Henry Kissinger among its board members. The Foundation’s mission was to encourage transparency and foster integration between Russia and the international community, officially launching its activities in the United States in 2002.

In addition to Open Russia, Khodorkovsky made significant investments in civil society projects: he financed Internet cafés to enhance communication, supported journalist training initiatives nationwide, and funded a boarding school for underprivileged children overseen by his parents. It is estimated that he backed as much as 80% of Russian non-governmental organizations. In 2003, Yukos pledged $100 million over a decade to the Russian State Humanities University—marking the first major private donation to a Russian higher education institution.

He also created internet education centers for teachers, organized forums for journalistic dialogue on reform and democracy, and founded organizations promoting archaeological research, cultural exchanges, summer camps for youth, and orphanage support.

Merger with Sibneft

In April 2003, Khodorkovsky revealed plans for Yukos to merge with Sibneft, forming an oil company with reserves on par with leading Western multinational corporations. Reports indicated that Khodorkovsky was in talks with ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco regarding the sale of substantial stakes in Yukos. Sibneft was established in 1995 following a proposal by Boris Berezovsky and included valuable state-owned assets. Berezovsky acquired half of Sibneft at a notably low price during a contentious auction.

Following Berezovsky’s split with Putin and subsequent exile to London, he transferred his shares in Sibneft to Roman Abramovich, who consented to the merger. The merged entity held 19.5 billion barrels of oil and gas reserves, ranking as the world’s second-largest after ExxonMobil and becoming the fourth-largest producer globally with a daily output of 2.3 million barrels. The merger finalized in October 2003 shortly before Khodorkovsky’s arrest; however, former Sibneft shareholders later invalidated the deal through legal proceedings.

2003: Richest man in Russia

Khodorkovsky engaged McKinsey & Company to overhaul Yukos’ management structure and enlisted Pricewaterhouse to introduce new accounting practices. Benefiting from rising oil prices alongside operational upgrades, Yukos flourished. By 2003, Khodorkovsky had become Russia’s wealthiest individual and was ranked 16th worldwide by Forbes in 2004 with an estimated net worth of $16 billion.

Arrest in 2003

In July 2003, Platon Lebedev, Khodorkovsky’s business partner and the fourth-largest shareholder of Yukos, was detained on allegations related to the unlawful acquisition of a stake in the state-owned fertilizer company Apatit dating back to 1994. This event sparked investigations into Yukos’s tax declarations and caused delays in the approval process for its merger with Sibneft.

Khodorkovsky himself was apprehended on 25 October 2003 at Novosibirsk airport, facing charges including fraud, tax evasion, and other financial offenses. The trial that followed drew widespread criticism for being politically driven and legally questionable. Authorities subjected Yukos employees to intense interrogations; Pavel Ivlev, the company’s tax attorney, fled Russia after receiving threats.

The arrest occurred shortly after a report accused Yukos leadership of plotting an “oligarchic coup” against President Putin. Khodorkovsky was alleged to have financed several political parties—such as Yabloko, the Union of Right Forces, and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation—while deliberately withholding support from United Russia. Additionally, he maintained connections with journalists and sponsored energy awards alongside educational programs.

Domestic and International Responses

The announcement of Khodorkovsky's detention had an immediate effect on Yukos’s stock value, leading to an unprecedented one-hour suspension of trading on the Moscow stock exchange to curb a steep decline. The Russian ruble also depreciated as foreign investors grew concerned about market stability. Coverage in Moscow’s media was predominantly critical; some pro-business outlets viewed the arrest as a sign of capitalism’s demise, whereas state-controlled publications condemned the “absurd” nature of the arrest procedures.

In response to the turmoil, Yukos promptly appointed Simon Kukes—a Russian-born U.S. citizen with extensive experience in the oil sector—as CEO to restore confidence in company leadership.

The U.S. State Department voiced apprehensions regarding Russia’s use of its judicial system for arbitrary prosecutions, warning that such actions could discourage foreign investment by signaling politically selective targeting of Yukos officials.

About a week later, Khodorkovsky’s shares in Yukos were frozen by the Prosecutor-General to prevent their sale; however, he retained voting rights and dividend entitlements. In accordance with an earlier agreement, these shares were transferred to Jacob Rothschild, 4th Baron Rothschild, during 2003.

On 28 June 2005, Izvestia published what became known as the “letter of the fifty,” an open letter signed by cultural and scientific figures endorsing the guilty verdict against Yukos executives and denouncing challenges to Russia's judicial authority. Nevertheless, several signatories later withdrew their endorsements: figure skater Irina Rodnina denied signing on 11 September 2009 and criticized the letter’s presentation; Anastasia Volochkova described her signature as a misunderstanding on 2 February 2011; and Alexander Buinov expressed regret for his support on 4 February 2011.

Initial Trial from 2004 to 2005

The charges against Khodorkovsky and his associates alleged that they had formed an organized group in 1994 aimed at deceitfully acquiring control over shares in Russian companies during the privatization period, particularly targeting the state-owned mining and fertilizer enterprise Apatit.

Platon Lebedev was arrested on 2 July 2003 and tried alongside Khodorkovsky. Shortly thereafter, Alexei Pichugin, Yukos’s head of security, was detained separately. Leonid Nevzlin from Menatep advised Khodorkovsky to leave Russia and rebuild his life abroad; however, Khodorkovsky rejected this advice on moral grounds. Instead, he championed Russia’s modernization efforts, greater transparency, and a transition toward innovation-driven economic growth.

The defense team was led by Yury Schmidt and Karinna Moskalenko. Prosecutors claimed independence from presidential influence. Vladimir Ustinov—the Prosecutor-General appointed by Boris Yeltsin with political ambitions—viewed this case as an opportunity to advance his career amid tensions with Putin.

Throughout the ten-month trial, few defense witnesses appeared due to court-imposed restrictions and fears of retaliation; many Yukos affiliates had already been arrested or fled the country. Ultimately, Khodorkovsky and Lebedev were convicted and sentenced to nine years in penal colonies. The detailed verdict spanned 662 pages and was read aloud over two weeks at a deliberately slow pace to minimize public attention.

Independent advocacy

Mikhail Khodorkovsky garnered support from various independent observers who regarded him as a casualty of a judicial system influenced by political motives. On 29 November 2004, the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) concluded that the legal actions against Yukos executives seemed intended to undermine a political adversary, intimidate affluent individuals, and reclaim control over key economic assets.

Concerns were also voiced by members of the UK Parliament, who highlighted Russia's deteriorating human rights situation in connection with his prosecution.

In June 2009, the Council of Europe published a critical report on Russia's management of the Yukos affair, citing it as an instance of authoritarian manipulation of the justice system. The document emphasized that Yukos, a private oil enterprise, was dismantled to benefit the state-owned Rosneft, with its assets transferred to Baikalfinansgroup for nearly €7 billion—a murky company potentially linked to Gazprom. Former Yukos executives Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev received eight-year sentences for fraud and tax evasion. Other company officials endured severe imprisonment conditions condemned by the European Court of Human Rights. Despite serving half her term and being pregnant, deputy legal head Svetlana Bakhmina was initially denied early release but was freed in April 2009 following international advocacy.

Legislative bodies in Italy, Germany (Bundestag), and the United States (U.S. House of Representatives) issued statements endorsing Khodorkovsky and denouncing state persecution.

In June 2010, Holocaust survivor and human rights advocate Elie Wiesel initiated a campaign calling for Khodorkovsky’s liberation. Later that year, Amnesty International Germany appealed to President Medvedev for an impartial reassessment of all charges against him. On 24 May 2011, Amnesty International declared Khodorkovsky and Lebedev prisoners of conscience, urging their release upon completion of their sentences.

A documentary lasting two hours about his case was released in 2011.

Yelena Bonner, spouse of Andrei Sakharov, consistently defended Khodorkovsky as a political prisoner subjected to selective application of laws.

During his trial, a cartoon series likened it to Franz Kafka’s The Trial; by August 2015, these works were displayed at Prague’s Dox Gallery.

Incarceration

On 30 May 2005, Mikhail Khodorkovsky received a nine-year sentence in a medium-security facility and was initially held at Matrosskaya Tishina in Moscow. His political essay "Left Turn," advocating for a socially responsible government and a broad social-democratic alliance, was published on 1 August 2005 in Vedomosti. He stressed the importance of new Russian leadership addressing justice issues and legitimizing privatization.

On 19 August 2005, Khodorkovsky commenced a hunger strike protesting the punishment cell placement of his associate Platon Lebedev, who suffered from serious health problems. On 31 August, he announced intentions to run for parliament by exploiting a legal loophole permitting convicted individuals with appeals pending to stand for election. However, the Court of Appeal accelerated his case proceedings, reducing his sentence by one year and eliminating his electoral eligibility.

By 20 October 2005, he was relocated to labor camp YaG-14/10 in Krasnokamensk near a uranium mine. There he worked in the colony’s mitten factory under difficult conditions and experienced solitary confinement due to alleged rule infractions. The second installment of "Left Turn" appeared in Kommersant on 11 November 2005, further elaborating his social democratic perspectives.

On 13 April 2006, inmate Alexander Kuchma assaulted Khodorkovsky; Kuchma later claimed coercion by prison staff. Western media criticized authorities for minimizing the incident. In February 2007, new charges involving embezzlement and money laundering were brought against Khodorkovsky and Lebedev shortly before their parole eligibility and prior to the presidential election.

On 28 January 2008, Khodorkovsky began another hunger strike supporting ill associate Vasily Aleksanyan, who was subsequently transferred to specialized medical care. During his imprisonment, Khodorkovsky inspired cultural figures—writers published exchanges with him; composers dedicated works such as Arvo Pärt’s Symphony No. 4 (which premiered in 2009); and artists organized exhibitions.

Much of his incarceration was spent at Matrosskaya Tishina under harsh conditions; despite this, he refrained from detailed grievances and maintained solidarity with fellow inmates. He engaged in academic research on Russian oil policy; the third part of "Left Turn," titled "Global Perestroika," was published in Vedomosti on 7 November 2008. Therein, he forecasted a worldwide move away from neoliberalism symbolized by Barack Obama’s election.

In May 2010, Khodorkovsky conducted a two-day hunger strike protesting breaches of laws prohibiting imprisonment for financial crime suspects—a law championed by President Medvedev following Sergei Magnitsky’s death in custody.

An appeal reduced sentences for Khodorkovsky and Lebedev to just under eleven years, setting release dates around mid-2014. Khodorkovsky criticized the judicial process as lacking legitimacy.

He authored My Fellow Prisoners, reflecting on his time behind bars and its influence on his values—prioritizing societal concerns over personal business ambitions.

Political evolution

In April 2010, The Economist observed that after spending six years incarcerated, Khodorkovsky had transitioned from being an oligarch to a political prisoner and advocate for freedom: "He speaks with the authority of a former chief executive of Russia's largest oil company... What he now defends is not his lost business empire, but his fundamental human rights. The metamorphosis of Mr. Khodorkovsky from a relentless oligarch into a political detainee and freedom advocate stands as one of the most compelling narratives in post-Soviet Russia."

This political realignment was further underscored through Khodorkovsky's prison correspondence. On 26 October 2009, he replied to Dmitri Medvedev's Vedomosti article titled "Forward, Russia!," asserting that "the current form of authoritarianism in Russia fails to satisfy many essential humanitarian standards expected of any nation aspiring to be modern and European."

In an opinion piece dated 28 January 2010 for the New York Times and International Herald Tribune, Khodorkovsky cautioned that "Russia faces a historic crossroads. It must either reverse course from the dead end it is heading toward—soon—or risk the dissolution of Russia as it presently exists."

On 3 March 2010, his article in Nezavisimaya Gazeta depicted the "conveyor belt" mechanism within Russian justice, describing the "siloviki conveyor belt that erodes justice as the true executioner of contemporary Russian statehood. It systematically alienates thousands of the nation's most proactive, intelligent, and independent citizens—on a disturbingly consistent basis."

Ultimately, The Economist concluded that Kremlin rhetoric about rule of law or modernization remains hollow while Khodorkovsky continues to be imprisoned.

Accusations

Although Khodorkovsky had served half of his initial sentence and qualified for parole, prosecutors in February 2007 brought forward new embezzlement allegations, initiating a second trial in March 2009.

These fresh accusations claimed Khodorkovsky had misappropriated 350 million tons of oil—a charge described by Kommersant as primarily a rephrasing of earlier claims. Critics pointed out contradictions with his previous tax evasion conviction concerning the same oil volumes. His attorney Karinna Moskalenko emphasized this discrepancy, questioning why the initial sentence was imposed if all the oil was supposedly stolen.

Journalist Masha Gessen labeled the second trial's charges as "absurd," accusing Khodorkovsky and Lebedev of appropriating all Yukos oil produced between 1998 and 2003. In December 2010, both defendants received 14-year sentences. Legal analysts in Russia suggested that laws were either newly enacted or retroactively modified to facilitate these prosecutions. Numerous former Yukos staff members were imprisoned and subsequently found themselves unemployable; Khodorkovsky endeavored to provide financial assistance to those impacted.

In his closing remarks, Khodorkovsky expressed hope for Russia to evolve into a country governed by law rather than administrative bureaucracy, calling for judicial accountability. While acknowledging his flaws, he stated his willingness to endure imprisonment without remorse.

During a visit to Moscow in 2009, President Barack Obama questioned why the repackaged charges emerged just as Khodorkovsky approached parole eligibility.

The verdict, originally scheduled for 15 December, was postponed without explanation until 27 December. Shortly before this delay, Vladimir Putin publicly declared that "a thief belongs behind bars," indicating his position on Khodorkovsky's guilt.

On 14 January 2020, the European Court of Human Rights determined that Russia had violated Articles 6, 7, and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights during Khodorkovsky's trial.

Judicial dispute

On 14 February 2011, Natalya Vasilyeva, who served as an aide to Judge Viktor Danilkin, asserted that the judge did not author the verdict himself and had read it under coercion. She stated that the verdict was "delivered from the Moscow City Court" and characterized the trial as "manipulated" and "prearranged." On 24 February, Vasilyeva underwent a lie detector examination which suggested she likely believed Danilkin was subjected to external pressure. Judge Danilkin dismissed her accusations as defamatory.

Appeal and Amnesty International's response

Judge Danilkin denied Khodorkovsky's appeal on 24 May 2011. Subsequently, Amnesty International designated Khodorkovsky and Lebedev as "prisoners of conscience," criticizing their second trial for being heavily flawed and politically driven. On 25 October 2013, the Berlin International Literature Festival organized a global reading event in support of Khodorkovsky, Lebedev, and other political detainees in Russia.

In June 2011, Khodorkovsky was relocated to prison colony No. 7 in Segezha, Karelia, near the border with Finland.

Release

According to his official website, Khodorkovsky qualified for early release; however, an alleged plot involving prison guards and a fellow inmate resulted in claims that he breached prison regulations, thus forfeiting his eligibility.

Although there were expectations for his release by mid-2011, on 27 December 2010 he was convicted on additional charges of embezzlement and money laundering, potentially facing up to 22.5 years more imprisonment. In an interview from a Siberian detention center in Chita, Zabaykalsky Krai, Khodorkovsky alleged these cases were fabricated by Igor Sechin.

Parole was denied on 22 August 2008 partly because Khodorkovsky "declined to participate in jail sewing classes." Prosecutors sought a 14-year sentence during his second trial, which Judge Danilkin confirmed on 30 December 2010. Taking into account time already served, his release was projected for 2017. This extended sentence drew criticism from U.S. President Barack Obama, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague, with the White House questioning the integrity of Russia’s judicial system.

On 15 February 2011, Vyacheslav Lebedev, head of Russia's Supreme Court of Russia, proposed applying a Soviet-era rule that restricts maximum sentences to the gravest offense—in Khodorkovsky’s case, nine years—suggesting a possible release by October 2012, which ultimately did not occur.

After Vladimir Putin’s re-election in March 2012, President Medvedev ordered a review of Khodorkovsky’s sentence amid increased political tensions and planned demonstrations in Moscow.

In December 2012, a Moscow court reduced Khodorkovsky’s sentence by two years, moving his release date to 2014; Platon Lebedev also received a two-year reduction. Without this adjustment, their sentences would have resulted in release thirteen years after their arrest in 2003.

Following prison release (2013)

On 19 December 2013, President Vladimir Putin announced his intention to pardon Khodorkovsky; this pardon was granted the next day. Putin cited Khodorkovsky’s ailing mother and the decade already served as sufficient punishment. Some opposition figures speculated that the forthcoming 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi influenced this decision. Khodorkovsky was immediately freed, flown first to St. Petersburg and then onward to Berlin. The Guardian reported allegations that Khodorkovsky had promised Putin in a letter to leave Russia, abstain from politics, and not attempt to reclaim Yukos shares—claims Khodorkovsky has denied.

After his release, Khodorkovsky publicly expressed gratitude toward former German foreign minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher for diplomatic efforts contributing to his freedom. On 22 December 2013, he held a press conference at Berlin's Checkpoint Charlie Museum, stressing that his case should not be interpreted as evidence that political prisoners no longer exist in Russia and committing himself to advocate for their liberation. He also acknowledged German Chancellor Angela Merkel and media outlets for their support. On 24 December, he appeared on BBC's Hardtalk for an interview.

Khodorkovsky credited the Federal Supreme Court of Switzerland with protecting him from document disclosures that could have undermined his trial defense. He maintains personal connections to Switzerland where his wife and children reside. Soon after his release, he applied for and obtained a Swiss visa allowing travel throughout most European countries. He arrived in Basel, Switzerland on 5 January 2014. In July that year, Yukos shareholders were awarded $50 billion by the Permanent Arbitration Court in The Hague; however, Khodorkovsky was not involved in this proceeding. In 2015, he moved to London.

On 23 December 2015, a Russian court issued an international arrest warrant accusing Khodorkovsky of ordering the assassination of Nefteyugansk mayor Vladimir Petukhov in 1998. At that time residing primarily in London, Khodorkovsky stated he was contemplating seeking political asylum in the UK where he felt secure.

In December 2016, an Irish court lifted restrictions on $100 million of Khodorkovsky’s assets previously frozen under legal constraints.

Life in exile (2013–present)

After his pardon and release on 20 December 2013, alongside members of Pussy Riot, Khodorkovsky kept a low profile until the upheaval in Ukraine. On 9 March 2014, following the Russian annexation of Crimea, he addressed a crowd at Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kyiv, accusing the Russian authorities of involvement in the deaths of protesters.

In March 2014, Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza named Khodorkovsky "Man of the Year." He gave keynote speeches at numerous forums, including the Le Monde Festival, Freedom House Awards Dinner, Council on Foreign Relations, Oslo Freedom Forum, Forum 2000, and the World Economic Forum. In May that year, former Polish president Lech Wałęsa recognized his contributions toward reforming Russia’s civil society.

The Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled in July 2014 that Russia had intentionally bankrupted Yukos to confiscate its assets, ordering compensation of around $50 billion to shareholders and pensions for approximately 30,000 ex-employees. By January 2015, Russia had yet to comply with the payment mandate. However, in April 2016, The Hague District Court overturned this decision on jurisdictional grounds.

On 20 September 2014, Khodorkovsky relaunched the Open Russia movement through a live teleconference involving civil activists across Russia. Open Russia sought to unite pro-European citizens against Putin’s administration by advocating for independent journalism, political education, rule of law enforcement, and electoral reforms. Khodorkovsky criticized Putin’s leadership as steering Russia toward a "patriarchal Asian path," calling for a power shift favoring the legislative and judicial branches.

During an October 2014 trip to the United States, Khodorkovsky spoke at Freedom House and the Council on Foreign Relations, stressing Russia’s urgent need to recover lost ground in democratic development. A Wall Street Journal feature highlighted his proposal for a constitutional assembly aimed at diminishing presidential authority in favor of other government branches.

Khodorkovsky addressed the European Parliament on 2 December 2014. His book My Fellow Prisoners, recounting his incarceration experiences, was published that year and received acclaim from the Financial Times.

By late 2014 and early 2015, Russian intelligence reportedly monitored Khodorkovsky. He denied any presidential aspirations, portraying his efforts as civic activism rather than political ambition. In March 2015, he and fellow opposition figures were targeted by an anonymous group called Glavplakat, which branded them as traitors.

In August 2015, Russian authorities summoned Khodorkovsky’s father for questioning; later in December, Khodorkovsky himself was summoned by the Investigative Committee concerning the murder of a Siberian mayor.

In September 2016, he launched the "Instead of Putin" website enabling users to select alternatives to Putin. In November 2017, he established the Dossier Center aimed at uncovering networks supporting Putin’s regime.

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in May 2022, Russia's Ministry of Justice designated Khodorkovsky as a 'foreign agent.' That month he took part in the eighth "Russia Forum" held in Vilnius alongside former officials and analysts focused on strategies to depose Putin. He advocated transferring authority from the presidency to parliament and forecasted an imminent collapse of Putin’s regime.

In November 2022, Khodorkovsky released "HOW DO YOU SLAY A DRAGON? A Manual for Start-Up Revolutionary," published in both Russian and English.

On 30 April 2023, he joined over fifty exiled Russian figures—including Dmitry Gudkov and Garry Kasparov—in Berlin to sign the "Declaration of Russia’s Democratic Forces", denouncing Russia’s war against Ukraine and declaring Putin’s government illegitimate and criminal.

On 24 June 2023, Khodorkovsky voiced support for the Wagner Group mutiny, urging citizens not to oppose it.

On 20 January 2025, Khodorkovsky shared images from the second inauguration of Donald Trump held at Washington DC’s Capital One Arena.

Politics

Khodorkovsky has been an outspoken critic of what he terms Russia's "managed democracy." Although generally measured in his critiques of the current administration, he contends that the military and security apparatus hold disproportionate influence. In 2010, he likened the political framework to the Singapore model, where independent media and judiciary exist nominally but are effectively controlled.

During his leadership at Yukos, Khodorkovsky initiated social programs within the company’s operational areas, including the "New Civilization" project in Angarsk, which fostered youth participation and student governance across Russia.

In 2012, journalist Masha Gessen recalled Khodorkovsky’s vision for a revamped Russian economy that prioritizes intellectual capital over natural resource extraction.

Relationship with Vladimir Putin

According to Masha Gessen’s 2012 analysis, the discord between Putin and Khodorkovsky arises from fundamental personality differences: Putin is secretive and suspicious by nature, whereas Khodorkovsky tends to trust others openly—an approach that contributed to his incarceration.

In February 2003, during a Kremlin meeting, Khodorkovsky confronted Putin regarding corruption allegations, insinuating that senior officials were involved in bribery. Prior to the 2012 presidential race, both men underestimated each other's resolve and intentions.

Although convicted on charges of tax evasion, money laundering, and embezzlement, Khodorkovsky maintained his innocence and asserted that his legal troubles were politically motivated retaliation for supporting opposition groups.

On 20 December 2013, Putin granted Khodorkovsky a pardon. Following his release, Khodorkovsky described himself as a "political prisoner" and declared his intention to abstain from returning to business or political office.

In a December 2014 interview, he elaborated that while he would avoid electoral politics, he remained active in civil society initiatives and considered himself a "crisis manager," focusing on civic responsibility rather than political ambitions.

Publications

  • 2014: My Fellow Prisoners
  • 2022: How Do You Slay A Dragon? A Manual for Start-Up Revolutionaries
  • 2022: The Russian Conundrum: How the West Fell for Putin's Power Gambit—And How to Fix It (co-authored with Martin Sixsmith)

Philanthropy

From the early 2000s onwards, Khodorkovsky has backed an array of charitable projects, including:

See also

External links

Articles
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