Remington Rand strike

Remington Rand

Industry	Manufacturing
Founded	1927
Founder	James Rand, Jr.
Headquarters	United States
Key people	James Rand, Jr. (president)
Products	Typewriters

From May 1936 through April 1937, a labor strike targeted Remington Rand, initiated by a federal union connected to the American Federation of Labor (AFL). The resolution was not fully executed until the middle of 1940. The union successfully organized six manufacturing facilities situated in Tonawanda, Ilion, and Syracuse within New York; Middletown, Connecticut; along with Marietta and Norwood in Ohio.

This strike is historically significant for giving rise to the "Mohawk Valley formula," a corporate anti-union tactic aimed at undermining union leadership, intimidating strikers through collaboration with local law enforcement and vigilante groups, deploying "loyal employee" factions to influence public sentiment, securing production sites, extensively utilizing strikebreakers, and threatening shutdowns if work did not recommence. Company president James Rand, Jr. outlined this strategy in an article published in the National Association of Manufacturers Labor Relations Bulletin during the strike’s fourth month. Subsequently, the National Association of Manufacturers circulated the article widely as a pamphlet.

The National Labor Relations Board described the Mohawk Valley formula as "a battle plan for industrial war."

Background

In March 1934, the AFL began organizing skilled laborers employed by typewriter manufacturers Underwood Typewriter Company and Remington Rand. Workers established the District Council of Office Equipment Workers, a federal union affiliated with the AFL’s Metal Trades Department. Six plants were unionized across New York (Tonawanda, Ilion, Syracuse), Connecticut (Middletown), and Ohio (Marietta, Norwood).

Remington Rand’s president, James Rand, Jr., declined to negotiate with the union. On May 8, 1934, approximately 6,500 employees initiated a strike demanding union recognition and a collective bargaining agreement. By June 18, 1936, the company acknowledged the union and entered into a contract that included wage increases and a grievance mechanism.

Nonetheless, Remington Rand persisted in undermining the union—breaching contracts in minor ways that resulted in costly grievances, intimidating union leaders, and consistently opposing union operations.

In February 1936, the District Council was renamed the Remington Rand Joint Protective Board.

Beginning of the strike

Tensions escalated sharply in May 1936 when Remington Rand circulated rumors about a potential acquisition by an unidentified company that would refuse to recognize the union. The firm announced it had acquired a typewriter plant in nearby Elmira and suggested possible closures of its Tonawanda and Syracuse locations. The union demanded clarity on these potential shutdowns; however, the company withheld information.

The union threatened to initiate a strike. In retaliation, Remington Rand distributed its own strike ballots asserting exclusive worker representation. Union representatives intercepted and destroyed these ballots while disrupting meetings and intimidating managers involved in balloting.

The Joint Board conducted its own strike vote resulting in over 75% support for striking. Although the union sought federal mediation, the company declined and terminated local union presidents along with fifteen activists. Employees at Ilion, Syracuse, and Tonawanda ceased work on May 25, 1936; workers at Ohio and Connecticut plants followed suit the next day.

Violence during the strike

The Remington Rand strike was marked by significant violence. Although no deaths were reported, both parties engaged in physical altercations such as assaults, rock throwing, property damage, threats, and intimidation tactics. Federal documents and historical analyses reveal that the company intentionally incited violence by deploying private security agents—sometimes disguised as employees—to provoke disturbances. The intensity of the confrontations greatly surpassed what might have occurred without these provocations.

Noteworthy events included:

• In mid-June 1936, Remington Rand dispatched 100 strikebreakers through the Tonawanda picket line without police protection. This led to a clash involving 500 picketers, after which law enforcement used batons against the demonstrators.
• Between July 3 and 7, 1936, a four-day riot unfolded at the Middletown, Ohio facility as the company attempted to introduce unprotected strikebreakers. Workers responded by throwing stones at strikebreakers and commandeering buses transporting them, destroying two vehicles near the plant entrance.
• On July 24, striking employees hurled homemade explosives at plants in Middletown and Syracuse, injuring one police officer; property damage was minimal.
• On August 12, police in Syracuse shot two strikers; in response, the state governor warned of National Guard deployment if order was not maintained.
• On August 22, Middletown strikers threw iron balls at police officers, wounding four.

These violent incidents highlighted the fierce labor-management tensions during this critical strike.

Strike tactics

The Remington Rand strike is distinguished by the company's aggressive anti-union strategies. The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) detailed these methods in a comprehensive 120-page ruling titled Remington Rand, Inc., 2 NLRB 626 (March 13, 1937). These measures aimed to disrupt democratic processes, sway public opinion through deception and intimidation, and breach federal regulations.

Plant closures

During the union’s strike action, Remington Rand swiftly consolidated its manufacturing sites. The company later confessed it had long intended to shut down several plants but had been hindered by a strong union presence. Months before the strike began, Remington Rand engaged millwrights—a move courts and federal authorities interpreted as negotiating in bad faith—to dismantle facilities. Within days of the strike’s onset, contractors started packing machinery at Middletown, Syracuse, and Tonawanda locations. Although workers tried to obstruct millwrights and transport trucks by throwing stones and placing spikes on roads, they were largely unsuccessful.

The company frequently disseminated misleading information about plant closures. The mayor of Syracuse received personal assurances from Remington Rand that their plant would remain operational; however, the firm secretly planned closures to secure local government backing for its anti-union efforts. Additionally, Remington Rand posted "For Sale" signs on factories and publicized shutdowns while sometimes employing private security personnel masquerading as millwrights to lend credibility to these claims. These announcements were intended to weaken worker morale, intimidate employees who stayed on site, and unsettle surrounding communities concerned about economic impacts. Company representatives often implied that plants would continue running only if the union ceased striking, thereby exerting political and economic pressure on union members.

Deployment of private security personnel

Remington Rand engaged a substantial number of private security agents to safeguard its assets and facilitate the reopening of its plants amid the strike. The corporation coordinated extensively with various "detective agencies" (private security firms) at all sites, clearly demonstrating a strategy aimed at provoking a strike to undermine the union rather than pursuing genuine negotiations. One such agency, managed by Pearl Bergoff, was compensated $25,850 for its security services. While Remington Rand justified these forces as essential for protecting property and strikebreakers, union representatives and local authorities contended that their true purpose was to provoke disturbances. Middletown’s Mayor Leo Santangelo observed that the number of police officers stationed outside exceeded the number of individuals attempting to enter.

Collaboration with local law enforcement

The company also depended significantly on local police departments and specially appointed county sheriff’s deputies for protection. Several months prior to the strike, Remington Rand notified officials of its intention to instigate union conflict and sought their cooperation, which many provided out of concern that plant shutdowns would negatively impact their municipal tax revenues. In Syracuse, the mayor authorized unrestricted police support. In areas where officials resisted cooperation, Remington Rand employed intimidation tactics, including threats issued by a "citizens' committee" and pressure from financial institutions, compelling compliance from figures such as Ilion’s mayor.

Local law enforcement played a pivotal role in intimidating Ilion residents and swaying public sentiment against union members. Remington Rand financed Herkimer County’s deputization of 300 special sheriff’s deputies equipped with company-issued firearms and billy clubs; civilian vehicles were also procured to serve as patrol cars. Although under government authority, these deputies collaborated closely with company officials to heighten tensions within the town. Armed squads guarded all entry points into Ilion with shotguns, requiring residents to obtain passes from Remington Rand for access. Later, company management accused local police of being too lenient toward strikers, which they claimed provided political justification for escalating violent actions against picketers.

Employment of strikebreakers

Remington Rand terminated all striking employees and replaced them with permanent hires. Initially, few workers accepted these positions due to intense union picketing and fear of retaliation. The company began by offering security guards a $5 daily bonus to enter plants disguised as employees. Subsequently, larger bonuses were introduced, attracting more replacements amid the economic hardships of the Great Depression.

Dissemination of false information

The corporation circulated deceptive and inaccurate statements aimed at misleading the press, undermining striker morale, and reassuring investors. Sixteen days into the strike, president James Rand falsely announced that the strike had ended at all six plants, generating distrust among union members despite no formal agreement being reached. Two weeks later, the company claimed that Ohio workers had agreed to favorable collective bargaining terms; however, only 21 out of 911 employees had consented, none of whom were involved in the strike. Furthermore, Remington Rand inaccurately reported that 5,300 employees had defied picket lines.

In Tonawanda, the company orchestrated a staged confrontation by hiring 85 armed security guards who posed as returning union members, inciting violence that was photographed and subsequently used to depict strikers in a negative light. These images contributed to securing a temporary injunction against the strike.

To manipulate public perception further, Remington Rand falsely announced hiring 500 strikebreakers in Syracuse when none had been employed. This prompted local law enforcement to increase plant security measures. After violence diminished in Ohio, Rand threatened to recruit 1,000 additional guards, leading to intensified picketing and clashes that reinforced the company's portrayal of ongoing unrest.

Additional strategies

Remington Rand utilized local judicial systems to sway strike results, engaging in ex parte discussions with judges to secure stringent penalties against strikers, although such instances were relatively rare. For example, in Syracuse, two adolescents were sentenced to 30 days in jail for displaying a rubber rat at replacement workers. In Middletown, judges imposed six-month sentences on multiple picketers based solely on testimonies from company security personnel. The corporation frequently orchestrated situations to obtain the harshest possible rulings from judges favoring strict law enforcement. It provoked picketers into riots and, in cooperation with law enforcement, presented incriminating evidence against workers while excluding management involvement, resulting in severe restrictions on union picketing activities. In New York, a federal judge restricted picketing to groups of four individuals at a time, all required to wear identification badges. Subsequent federal investigations uncovered collusion between the company and law enforcement officials.

The company also formed "citizens' committees" under its control to exert pressure on the union. These committees, financed by Remington Rand, intimidated business owners, financial institutions, and others into opposing the strike. For instance, landlords in New York increased rents for strikers to compel their return to work. These groups applied political pressure on local authorities, effectively bringing law enforcement under their influence; in Ohio, union offices were sealed following minor complaints from company representatives. In Elmira, the mayor prohibited distribution of the local labor newspaper. These committees covertly influenced public opinion against the union, with media outlets inadvertently amplifying their calls to end the strike or denounce union "violence," thereby turning public sentiment against the strikers.

Moreover, Remington Rand employed intimidation by hiring at least eighty individuals posing as religious missionaries who visited strikers’ residences urging workers to return. Groups masquerading as "concerned citizens" gathered outside strikers' homes, pressuring them to cease picketing or leave town. These initiatives aligned with company campaigns encouraging workers back and were supported by inaccurate media reports that exaggerated picket-line disruptions.

Developments during the strike

Caught off guard by the strike’s outbreak, the union initially achieved a significant win when New York Governor Herbert H. Lehman declined Remington Rand’s requests to deploy state police forces.

Remington Rand responded with a campaign of disinformation, threatening closures at plants in Middletown, Norwood, Syracuse, and Tonawanda to coerce employees into returning. False reports claiming union leaders had accepted settlement offers deepened internal divisions within the union despite only a small faction agreeing.

On July 6, a large rally in Syracuse demonstrated solidarity with striking Ohio workers following disturbances; however, company officials declared the strike "completely broken." By July 18, a federal judge imposed severe limits on union picketing activities, although later federal investigations revealed that Remington Rand had provoked the related violence.

Connecticut Governor Wilbur L. Cross attempted to initiate tri-state discussions involving Ohio and New York governors but failed due to ongoing unrest and preconditions set by the company. In August, Governor Lehman convened an emergency court session challenging an injunction against the union; this appeal was unsuccessful. After police shot two strikers in Syracuse, Lehman threatened National Guard deployment to ensure law enforcement exercised restraint.

Contract talks began in late July but collapsed by September 2. Meanwhile, U.S. District Judge John Knight lifted an injunction allowing National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) hearings on Remington Rand’s unfair labor practice allegations to proceed. These hearings, together with Senate investigations into strikebreaking activities, exposed extensive anti-union measures by Remington Rand and attracted national media scrutiny.

By March 1937, public support for Remington Rand had notably diminished due to revelations of its anti-union tactics. Despite ongoing rumors of plant shutdowns accompanying aggressive company actions, political support weakened considerably. Efforts by U.S. Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins to mediate were thwarted when company president James Rand Jr. refused communication attempts, further harming the company's public standing.

On March 13, 1937, the NLRB issued a detailed 120-page decision finding Remington Rand guilty of violating federal labor statutes. The board condemned the firm’s anti-union conduct as economic and class warfare and mandated reinstatement of dismissed employees with back pay, dismantling of company-controlled unions, and recognition of the union across all facilities.

Initially defiant toward the NLRB ruling, Rand agreed later that day to meet with Perkins. Under mounting legal pressure, Remington Rand soon negotiated a settlement mediated by Perkins; terms were revealed one month afterward.

Legal challenges intensified when a federal grand jury indicted Rand and strikebreaker Pearl Bergoff for violating the Byrnes Act prohibiting interstate transportation of strikebreakers. Both were acquitted in November 1937; however, Remington Rand persisted in resisting NLRB orders.

On February 14, 1938, Judge Learned Hand ruled that Remington Rand must comply with the NLRB decision. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to review this case, effectively affirming Hand’s ruling. Subsequently, Remington Rand began furloughing strikebreakers and rehiring union employees.

This extended strike and ensuing legal confrontations profoundly influenced Remington Rand's approach to labor relations and reputation during a pivotal era for labor rights enforcement in America.

Aftermath of the strike

The full enforcement of the NLRB's directive in Remington Rand, Inc. was delayed for an additional two years.

Throughout the strike, Remington Rand had set up company unions across all of its manufacturing sites. Both the AFL and these company unions vied to become the official representatives of the company’s workforce. In June 1938, the company union pushed for an immediate NLRB election concerning union representation, whereas the AFL insisted that no election should proceed until all striking employees were reinstated. After numerous conflicts, a compromise was reached between the parties in October 1938.

However, Remington Rand declined to honor this agreement. In August 1939, the company union renewed its request for elections, triggering a wave of unfair labor practice (ULP) accusations and further hearings by the NLRB. Tensions heightened with a strike erupting in Tonawanda in April 1940, which rapidly expanded and became violent. To prevent another widespread strike, Remington Rand consented on April 8, 1940, to abolish its company unions.

Despite prior accords with both the AFL and the NLRB, Remington Rand persisted in defying the court’s mandate. Consequently, on June 4, 1940, the NLRB initiated legal action charging contempt of court. Under increasing pressure, Remington Rand ultimately agreed on June 30, 1940, to dissolve its company unions and formally recognize the AFL.

The "Mohawk Valley formula"

The "Mohawk Valley formula," a nine-step method aimed at union busting, was popularized in the June 1936 edition of the NAM's Labor Relations Bulletin and attributed to James Rand, Jr.:

1. Discredit union leaders by branding them as "agitators" and conduct foreman-led voting to minimize perceived union influence; organize local business leaders into a "Citizens' Committee."
2. Stress "law and order" to legitimize police and legal measures against strikers while disregarding workers' rights.
3. Convene "mass meetings" to galvanize public opposition and empower the Citizens' Committee.
4. Deploy extensive police forces—including local authorities, state officers, and vigilantes—to intimidate striking workers.
5. Weaken strikers by forming a compliant "back-to-work" group composed of loyal employees.
6. Utilize this group to petition for plant reopening once sufficient replacement labor is secured.
7. Orchestrate a staged reopening escorted by armed police to demoralize strikers.
8. Maintain a strong show of force that could militarize the area.
9. Manage media narratives by portraying operations as fully resumed and depicting strikers as a disruptive minority—signaling strike defeat.

This approach became a standard template for corporate anti-union tactics during labor conflicts.

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