Simon Cameron

Simon Cameron
Born	Template:Birth date Maytown, Pennsylvania, U.S.
Died	June 26, 1889(1889-06-26) (aged 90)
Occupation(s)	Entrepreneur, politician
Years active	Over five decades
Known for	U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania; United States Secretary of War under Abraham Lincoln

Simon Cameron (March 8, 1799 – June 26, 1889) was a prominent American entrepreneur and political figure who served four terms as a U.S. senator representing Pennsylvania. His extensive political journey, which lasted over five decades, included his role as United States Secretary of War under President Abraham Lincoln during the early phase of the American Civil War.

Born in Maytown, Pennsylvania, Cameron amassed wealth through investments in railroads, canals, and banking institutions. Initially an ally of James Buchanan, whom he succeeded in the Senate in 1845, Cameron eventually distanced himself from Buchanan and the Democrats by the mid-19th century. Opposed to slavery, he briefly affiliated with the Know Nothing Party before joining the Republicans in 1856. He secured re-election to the Senate in 1857 and was instrumental in backing Lincoln at the 1860 Republican National Convention.

Lincoln appointed Cameron as his inaugural Secretary of War. However, his administration was marred by accusations of corruption and ineffective leadership, resulting in his reassignment as minister to Russia in January 1862. Following a short diplomatic tenure, Cameron returned to Pennsylvania to reconstruct his political influence, winning a third Senate term in 1867. After serving another decade, he stepped down and ensured his son, Don Cameron, took over his seat. Cameron lived until age 90, with his political organization maintaining control over Pennsylvania politics until the 1920s.

Early life and education

Simon Cameron was born on March 8, 1799, in Maytown, Pennsylvania, to Charles and Martha Pfautz Cameron. His grandfather, also named Simon, emigrated from Scotland to the Province of Pennsylvania in 1766, where he farmed in Lancaster County and served in the Continental Army during the American Revolutionary War. On his maternal side, Simon descended from Hans Michel Pfoutz, an early immigrant from the German Palatinate region. He was the third child among eight siblings.

Charles Cameron worked as a tailor and tavern owner but faced financial hardships that led him to relocate from Lancaster County to Sunbury in 1808 and later to Lewisburg, where he passed away in 1811. Afterward, Simon lived with Dr. Peter Grahl’s family in Sunbury, who supported his schooling. During this period, he met librettist Lorenzo Da Ponte and traveled with him to Philadelphia in 1813.

Pennsylvania newspapers

At age 17, Cameron began a printing apprenticeship under Andrew Kennedy at the Sunbury and Northumberland Gazette and Republican Advertiser. Following Kennedy's financial collapse in 1817, Cameron relocated to Harrisburg to apprentice with James Peacock at the Pennsylvania Republican, then the leading newspaper outside Philadelphia. After two years there, he advanced to assistant editor.

His work in Harrisburg brought him into close contact with state politics; by 1842 he claimed attendance at nearly every session of the Pennsylvania General Assembly since 1817. He developed connections with Secretary Samuel D. Ingham and took over as editor of the Doylestown Messenger in 1821. Due to its lack of profitability and subsequent merger with another publication, Cameron lost this editorial position.

Subsequently, he worked as a compositor for the Congressional Globe, where he established political relationships including with President James Monroe and Senator John C. Calhoun. Returning to Harrisburg in 1822 as a partner of the Pennsylvania Intelligencer, Cameron later acquired it outright and merged it with the Republican. These endeavors brought financial security that enabled his marriage to Margaret Brua on October 16, 1822; together they had ten children, six of whom survived into adulthood.

Political involvement

In 1823, John Andrew Shulze, a close associate of Cameron, assumed the governorship of Pennsylvania and appointed Cameron as State Printer. By 1829, Cameron had also been named Adjutant-General of Pennsylvania, a role he retained throughout his life. Around this time, Cameron divested his interest in the Intelligencer, redirected his investments into the Pennsylvania Reporter and Democratic Herald, and withdrew from active journalism, delegating state printing contracts to his brother James. Additionally, Shulze granted him contracts related to canal construction.

At the 1824 Harrisburg State Convention, Cameron initially hesitated to endorse Andrew Jackson’s presidential candidacy, supporting him only because John C. Calhoun was selected as vice president. Under John Quincy Adams’ administration, Cameron’s printing business was appointed official state printer, reflecting his moderate political alignment. By 1827, influenced by ally James Buchanan, Cameron shifted his allegiance toward Jackson, though his enthusiasm during the 1828 election remained tepid.

During Jackson’s first presidency, Cameron diversified into banking by founding the Bank of Middletown and engaged in infrastructure ventures such as canals and railroads. He actively lobbied the Pennsylvania legislature to encourage Jackson’s re-election campaign in 1832 and played a key role in rallying support for Martin Van Buren as Jackson’s vice-presidential candidate. This effort earned him an appointment to the U.S. Military Academy Board of Visitors. By the mid-1830s, Cameron had cultivated a national profile within the Democratic Party.

Following Buchanan’s return from Russia, Cameron assisted in securing Buchanan’s 1834 election to the U.S. Senate by influencing the Pennsylvania legislature and facilitating a diplomatic appointment for Senator William Wilkins to vacate that Senate seat. This maneuver expanded Cameron’s political clout in Washington, although his 1835 attempt to become governor of Michigan Territory was unsuccessful.

Cameron backed Van Buren’s victorious 1836 presidential campaign and obtained a commissioner role under the 1837 Winnebago treaty, overseeing land cessions and compensation claims. His involvement sparked accusations of corruption; critics mockingly labeled him the "Great Winnebago Chief," which hurt his public image despite inconclusive evidence.

Despite these challenges, Cameron remained a steadfast supporter of Buchanan. After Van Buren lost in 1840, Pennsylvania Democrats fractured between Van Buren loyalists and "Improvement Men" who supported Governor David R. Porter; Cameron aligned with Buchanan in advocating for public infrastructure investments, protective tariffs, and establishing a state bank. He opposed Van Buren’s 1844 nomination by promoting a two-thirds rule at the Democratic National Convention that effectively blocked Van Buren’s bid. Though skeptical about nominee James K. Polk due to tariff issues, Cameron contributed modestly to Polk’s campaign efforts in Pennsylvania.

United States Senate: First term

The 1844 gubernatorial race in Pennsylvania revealed divisions within the Democratic Party between supporters of Henry A. P. Muhlenberg and Francis R. Shunk. Following Muhlenberg’s death, Shunk secured the governorship; however, Muhlenberg’s former backers—including Cameron—worried about losing patronage opportunities. This factionalism complicated the 1845 Senate elections, particularly as Senator Buchanan was anticipated to join Polk’s cabinet, creating two open Senate seats.

Unable to reach consensus on a candidate for Daniel Sturgeon’s seat, legislators re-elected Sturgeon as a compromise. After Buchanan resigned in March 1845, Governor Shunk’s faction put forward George W. Woodward for the other vacancy. Capitalizing on discontent among Democrats, Cameron forged an alliance with Whigs and members of the Native American Party (Know Nothings), uniting them around shared support for protective tariffs and internal improvements. This coalition enabled Cameron to win election on March 13, 1845, despite opposition from mainstream party members.

Cameron entered the Senate with limited backing from legislators; accusations of corruption strained his relationships with Buchanan and Vice President George M. Dallas. Although he pledged loyalty to Polk’s administration, he found himself politically isolated as both Democrats and Whigs regarded him as a temporary compromise candidate.

Excluded from federal appointments by Polk in Pennsylvania, Cameron retaliated by obstructing key nominations such as Henry Horn for Collector of Customs and Woodward for the Supreme Court. While Polk ultimately appointed Robert C. Grier to the Supreme Court seat, he never fully reconciled with Cameron.

On policy matters, Cameron opposed Polk’s 1846 Walker tariff bill in defense of Pennsylvania's protectionist iron industry interests and delivered a significant speech warning against its negative impact locally. He supported both Texas annexation and the Mexican–American War but resisted extending slavery into newly acquired territories; he backed the Wilmot Proviso aimed at banning slavery in lands gained from Mexico while respecting existing Southern states’ rights.

At the 1848 Democratic National Convention, Cameron supported Buchanan but faced accusations of undermining him when Lewis Cass secured the nomination instead. The Whig ticket of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore won Pennsylvania in that year’s general election along with legislative majorities. With continuing Democratic divisions hindering his prospects, Cameron's Senate term concluded in 1849 without re-election; Whig James Cooper succeeded him amid lingering party resentment toward Cameron.

Return to Pennsylvania

Following the conclusion of his Senate service in March 1849, Cameron returned to Pennsylvania to concentrate on his commercial enterprises, particularly in the railroad and banking sectors. These activities kept him closely connected with political leaders and public matters. In 1850, the Democrats reclaimed control of the state legislature, and although Cameron aimed to replace Sturgeon in the 1851 Senate race, he was unable to amass sufficient votes. Nevertheless, the newly elected senator, Richard Brodhead, became a political collaborator.

The relationship between Cameron and James Buchanan deteriorated as Buchanan sought the Democratic presidential nomination in 1852. In 1850, Cameron attempted to weaken Buchanan’s support in the South by forwarding Senator Jefferson Davis an old article highlighting Buchanan’s anti-slavery position. Buchanan retaliated by encouraging allied newspapers to criticize Cameron. Their rivalry unfolded during the 1851 Democratic state convention and intensified at the 1852 national convention, where Cameron supported Cass instead of Buchanan, thereby diminishing Buchanan’s backing. Ultimately, Franklin Pierce secured both the nomination and presidency; Pierce opted not to reappoint Buchanan but permitted Cameron to obtain federal appointments for his supporters.

During Pennsylvania’s 1855 Senate election, the Whigs maintained a legislative majority, posing challenges for Cameron’s comeback. However, numerous legislators from both parties were affiliated with the Know Nothing movement, which opposed immigration and opposed slavery’s expansion—stances that resonated with Cameron. The Know Nothings lacked cohesive leadership, providing Democrats like Cameron an alternative route to power beyond Buchanan’s sphere, especially after northern Democrats were weakened by the Kansas–Nebraska Act.

Cameron sought the favor of the Know Nothing caucus and emerged as their favored candidate early in 1855. Internal divisions fractured the caucus, and in the February balloting, Cameron won a plurality without achieving a majority. This stalemate delayed the election until 1856; Governor James Pollock made an interim appointment. When the legislature reconvened with a Democratic majority later that year, Cameron did not pursue the seat further, which was ultimately awarded to William Bigler.

Second term in the Senate

By 1856, groups opposing Democrats and the Kansas-Nebraska Act had united into what became known as the Union Party and later evolved into the Republican Party. Cameron embraced many Republican principles and sought to return to the Senate. He played an active role in organizing the party and attended the 1856 Republican National Convention, which nominated John C. Frémont for president. Although considered as Frémont’s vice-presidential candidate, William Dayton was selected instead. Pennsylvania—a pivotal state—narrowly supported Democrat Buchanan; Frémont attributed his loss partly to Cameron’s exclusion from the ticket. Despite a slim Democratic majority in Pennsylvania’s legislature, Republicans aimed to secure enough Democratic defections for Cameron’s election.

Supported by Wilmot and Thaddeus Stevens, Cameron kept his intentions confidential. The Democrats nominated journalist John W. Forney, who received President-elect Buchanan’s endorsement. However, three Democrats opposed Buchanan and covertly agreed to back Cameron. On January 13, 1857, Cameron was elected to the Senate by a narrow margin, surprising many observers. The three Democratic defectors faced expulsion from their hotels and were unsuccessful in subsequent re-election efforts.

Cameron’s victory marked a significant achievement for Republicans and a setback for Buchanan’s Democrats, who accused him of bribery. Investigations uncovered no proof of misconduct but reinforced perceptions of Cameron’s corrupt reputation. Upon taking office, he became a leading figure among Senate Republicans during a period marked by intense sectional conflicts over slavery. Despite these tensions, he maintained personal relationships with Southern senators.

During debates concerning Kansas’ admission under the pro-slavery Lecompton Constitution, Cameron engaged in a contentious exchange with Missouri’s James S. Green, which concluded with formal apologies from both sides. Following the recent violent attack on Charles Sumner, Cameron allied himself with Zachariah Chandler and Benjamin F. Wade to offer mutual protection against similar assaults.

Cameron opposed extending slavery into new territories, viewing such expansion as detrimental to Pennsylvania’s interests; however, he believed Congress lacked jurisdiction over slavery already established within states. Around 1859, he employed Tom Chester, an escaped slave whom he assisted in receiving an education; Chester later served as Liberia’s minister to Russia.

Although wary of Buchanan’s intentions, Cameron supported appropriations for troops potentially needed against Mormon uprisings in Utah Territory—one of only four Republicans to do so—concerned that Buchanan might deploy soldiers to support pro-slavery factions in Kansas. In 1858, Cameron campaigned effectively for Republicans in Pennsylvania; they gained control of the state House while Democrats narrowly retained control of the state Senate. The number of Pennsylvania Democrats serving in the federal House dropped considerably. Continued Republican successes in 1859 further solidified Cameron’s influence within state politics.

Presidential nomination

In the 1860 race, Simon Cameron pursued the Republican presidential nomination, leveraging Pennsylvania's political clout. Nevertheless, party factions and speculation that Cameron acted as a stalking horse for New York Senator William H. Seward—whose abolitionist views were unpopular in Pennsylvania—undermined his campaign. In 1859, Cameron had hosted both Seward and Governor Salmon P. Chase, positioning himself as a potential power broker. Despite these efforts, his backing was largely confined to Pennsylvania. Former Illinois congressman Abraham Lincoln rejected notions of running as Cameron’s secondary option, though Cameron was considered by Lincoln’s supporters as a vice-presidential pick to secure Pennsylvania’s vote.

That same year included significant Pennsylvania gubernatorial and legislative contests affecting Senator Bigler’s seat. The state convention endorsed Cameron as the Republican favorite son candidate for president and nominated Andrew Curtin for governor, despite friction between their factions. Curtin was firmly against any arrangement benefiting Seward due to his lack of popularity within Pennsylvania.

In March, Cameron attempted to meet with Seward’s political strategist, Thurlow Weed, before the May Chicago convention, but Weed declined, confident in Seward’s chances of securing the nomination. Some analysts believe Cameron may have sought a cabinet position in exchange for his support.

During the Chicago convention, delegates prevented Seward from winning on the initial ballot, propelling Lincoln forward instead. Lincoln’s campaign manager, David Davis, negotiated with various delegations including Pennsylvania’s to gain backing, assuring Cameron of favorable treatment despite Lincoln’s absence and no prior commitments. Lincoln’s law partner William Herndon later confirmed these arrangements involved cabinet appointments for Cameron.

Given local opposition to Seward, Cameron likely could not have delivered Pennsylvania's delegation to him. Initially, Pennsylvania's votes were divided: on the first ballot, Cameron received 47½ out of 54 votes while Seward led overall; by the third ballot, Lincoln had secured 52 votes from Pennsylvania, helping him win the nomination.

Campaign

The alliance between Lincoln’s backers and Cameron quickly became known publicly, with reports indicating that Cameron was promised the Treasury Department. Cameron expressed strong support for Lincoln’s nomination, welcoming it "in a most cordial and emphatic manner." In August, he committed Pennsylvania’s support to Lincoln and contributed $800 to Davis. To reassure Cameron on tariff policies important to Pennsylvania voters, Lincoln had Davis share excerpts from his speeches in the 1840s, which received Cameron’s approval. Despite ongoing tensions between them, Cameron also campaigned actively for Curtin.

On October 9, 1860, Pennsylvania held elections resulting in Curtin’s decisive win and expanded Republican majorities in the legislature—likely leading to Senator Bigler being replaced by a Republican. Should Cameron vacate his Senate seat for a federal appointment, his successor would also be Republican. Republicans aimed to secure a strong mandate for Lincoln. On November 6, 1860, Republicans carried Pennsylvania; this was confirmed by a telegram sent to Lincoln’s Springfield headquarters stating: "Pennsylvania, 70,000 for you. New York safe, Glory enough. S. Cameron."

Appointment

At first, Lincoln’s cabinet drafts did not include Cameron due to factional disputes between supporters of Cameron and Curtin in Pennsylvania. Lincoln initially intended to exclude Cameron, hoping both groups would accept Dayton, a fellow advocate of protectionism. However, numerous letters soon arrived urging Lincoln to appoint Cameron as Secretary of the Treasury.

Lincoln might not have been aware of any prior convention agreements; his advisor Leonard Swett reassured Cameron that no binding deal existed. Swett’s version reached Lincoln, who hesitated but sought counsel from Weed, who advised excluding Cameron in favor of a Southern candidate. Cameron refused to come to Springfield without an official invitation; after Swett met him in Pennsylvania, Lincoln extended an invitation, leading to Cameron’s arrival on December 30, 1860. Despite opposition citing corruption allegations and the Winnebago affair—former congressman George N. Eckert labeled Cameron as "corrupt beyond belief"—Lincoln spent hours with him and formally offered him either the Treasury or War Secretary position.

Shortly thereafter, pressure from Cameron's opponents caused Lincoln to quietly retract the offer; although Cameron broke confidentiality, he remained publicly silent and even arranged for Lincoln’s family to travel in a luxurious Pennsylvania Railroad car to Washington.

In January, following consultations with Chase and other advisers, Lincoln recognized Pennsylvania’s right to a cabinet seat amid growing demands for Cameron’s inclusion. He decided not to offer the Treasury post but left other options open. On January 13, he assured Cameron that he expected loyal service if appointed. Cameron pressed his case by presenting only the initial offer letter without mention of its withdrawal.

By late January, with much of the cabinet still undecided, Herndon observed Lincoln’s predicament: appointing Cameron risked internal conflict; excluding him risked lasting discord. Although Cameron declined a further meeting in Springfield, the matter remained unresolved as Lincoln journeyed to Washington.

During stops in Pittsburgh and Philadelphia en route, Cameron’s supporters intensified their pressure on Lincoln for his appointment; growing weary, Lincoln hinted at retaining Buchanan’s appointees instead. Eventually, opposition in Pennsylvania subsided fearing a lack of representation; Curtin’s faction informed Lincoln that Curtin now supported Cameron.

Upon arriving in Washington and after careful deliberation, Lincoln named Cameron Secretary of War on March 5, 1861—the day following his inauguration. Though often referred to as "general" for many years afterward, Cameron had no military background.

Tenure

Cameron was officially sworn in as Secretary of War on March 12, 1861, after a week-long delay due to his stay in Pennsylvania. Some historians view this delay as a sign of inadequate urgency during the intensifying secession crisis. At Lincoln's initial cabinet meeting on March 6, there was no discussion regarding the critical situation at Fort Sumter. When Lincoln sought opinions on resupplying Fort Sumter on March 15, Cameron advised against it, arguing that the fort was isolated within secessionist Charleston and could not be held indefinitely. Serving slightly over ten months, Cameron has been criticized for both corruption and inefficiency; nonetheless, he left the Army and War Department better prepared for conflict.

Leading a War Department staffed by only 90 employees managing an army of 17,000—many of whom were unreliable Union sympathizers—Cameron confronted chaotic conditions. The rapid expansion required for wartime exceeded his business acumen and political experience. Despite an influx of Northern volunteers into Washington, shortages persisted in weapons, ammunition, and uniforms. Reflecting on this period, Cameron admitted, "I was certainly not in a place to be envied." He sought assistance from fellow cabinet members; Secretary of State Seward offered help but tended to dominate affairs until Cameron confronted him directly. Thereafter, Cameron preferred consulting Treasury Secretary Chase and delegated oversight during his absences.

Cameron failed to maintain adequate records concerning military contracts and frequently relied on notes kept informally in his pocket. He permitted non-governmental special agents to negotiate contracts on behalf of the department. Millions of dollars passed through these agents; while many worked diligently without compensation, others engaged in corrupt practices. Notably, Cameron's deputy Alexander Cummings spent $250,000 on inappropriate items such as straw hats and linen pantaloons. After Cameron’s departure in April 1862, the House formally censured him for unsupervised contracting activities.

Known for political patronage, Cameron attracted numerous applicants seeking office; friends and relatives were granted commissions or positions, which sparked criticism. Complaints regarding corruption reached Lincoln himself, who warned that he would remove Cameron if dishonesty was proven—though this never transpired. According to Kahan, while overwhelmed by his duties, Cameron was not personally involved in corrupt conduct.

Removal from Office

By the end of 1861, calls for Lincoln to dismiss Cameron intensified. Although Cameron did not personally benefit from corruption within the War Department, he was widely perceived as tolerating it. Lincoln came to regret appointing Cameron, who had grown closer to Radical Republicans pushing for emancipation and the enlistment of freed slaves—positions not shared by Lincoln or most cabinet officials.

The situation escalated with the annual departmental report submitted for the State of the Union address. Cameron included a passage supporting the recruitment of freed slaves into the military, a section approved by his legal counsel Edwin M. Stanton. Expecting backlash, copies were sent prematurely to the post office. Lincoln, asserting his authority over emancipation policy, removed the contentious paragraph and recalled the distributed copies; however, details leaked in January 1862.

On January 11, Lincoln officially relieved Cameron of his duties through a brief letter offering him the role of United States Minister to Russia. Following advice from Seward and Chase, Lincoln revised this communication into a more diplomatic message presenting the post as Cameron’s choice. Cameron resigned on January 13 but remained in office until January 20; Stanton then assumed his position.

Diplomatic Appointment in Russia

Despite opposition from Senator Lyman Trumbull, the Senate confirmed Lincoln’s nomination of Cameron as Minister to Russia on January 14, 1862. Cameron showed little enthusiasm for this assignment and unsuccessfully attempted to secure a Senate seat for his successor David Wilmot, hoping to reclaim his former position.

Cameron departed New York aboard the Persia on May 7 with family and staff, taking a prolonged journey through Europe before reaching St. Petersburg on June 15. He was formally presented to Tsar Alexander II on June 25 but found limited diplomatic activity; relations remained steady following U.S. support during the Crimean War. Secretary Seward instructed Cameron to maintain a low profile since his predecessor Cassius M. Clay was preparing for military service and anticipated that Cameron’s tenure would be brief.

Seeking to rehabilitate his political reputation amid accusations of mismanagement, Cameron requested leave, which was initially denied. Nevertheless, he departed in September citing his wife Margaret’s poor health and her inability to withstand Russian winters. Seward later approved this absence retroactively; the Camerons returned in early November. Bayard Taylor served as chargé d’affaires during this period, and after Cameron formally resigned on February 23, 1863, Lincoln reappointed Clay as minister.

Return to the Senate

Prior to resigning as minister to Russia, Cameron was a contender in the January 1863 United States Senate election in Pennsylvania. While incumbent Wilmot led among Republicans, he lacked sufficient backing to overcome the Democratic majority in the General Assembly. Cameron’s campaign gained traction after Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, positioning him as an advocate for emancipation and Black military enlistment. However, he failed to attract any Democratic votes; Democrats controlled the state legislature firmly, and Governor Curtin declined intervention. Democrat Charles Buckalew prevailed with 67 votes compared to Cameron’s 65 and one for William D. Kelley. The Pennsylvania House called for bribery investigations against Cameron, but Republican factions united to block any charges.

Immediately after this defeat, Cameron began reconstructing his political organization ahead of the 1867 Senate election, regaining influence across Pennsylvania following his absence. He sought to prevent Governor Curtin’s renomination by securing a diplomatic appointment for him with Lincoln’s consent; however, Curtin’s popularity ensured an easy renomination and reelection with Cameron’s endorsement.

Cameron mended relations with Lincoln and played a key role in securing Republican legislative support for Lincoln’s re-election—a tactic he had successfully employed during Andrew Jackson’s era decades earlier. He ensured a pro-Lincoln delegation at the 1864 National Union National Convention and backed Andrew Johnson as Lincoln’s vice-presidential candidate. After Lincoln’s victory, Cameron benefited from political patronage that had been inaccessible under Curtin’s administration.

Lincoln’s assassination in 1865 shifted patronage power toward Curtin, who also sought the Senate seat and controlled vital party offices. Their rivalry intensified through 1866 as both competed for legislative backing amid Reconstruction disputes between Republicans and President Johnson. The October 1866 elections handed Republicans a commanding majority in the General Assembly, guaranteeing a Republican senator but leaving open competition among Cameron, Curtin, and others such as Thaddeus Stevens and former Speaker Galusha Grow.

Initially favored due to supporter Matthew Quay’s anticipated election as state house speaker—who would influence committee assignments—Curtin appeared poised for victory. However, opposing factions united behind John P. Glass, secretly aligned with Cameron. Curtin explored alliances with minor candidates but refused cooperation with Democrats. James Donald "Don" Cameron—his son and campaign manager—negotiated amnesty agreements that secured essential votes including Quay’s.

Cameron won the Republican caucus on the first ballot and defeated incumbent Democrat-turned-Republican Edgar Cowan, an ally of Johnson. This triumph marked the beginning of extended dominance by the Cameron political organization over Pennsylvania Republican politics. In his victory address, Cameron proclaimed his integrity restored, championed protective tariffs, criticized Republicans accepting positions from Johnson’s administration, called for Northern governance during Reconstruction in the South, and advocated removing "white" from Pennsylvania's Constitution.

Third Senate term

Simon Cameron commenced his third tenure in the Senate on March 4, 1867, during an early session convened to curtail President Johnson’s influence over Reconstruction policies. He advocated strongly for radical measures, asserting that the South should receive no mercy after its attempts to dismantle the Union. In 1868, Cameron was a vigorous supporter of President Johnson’s impeachment and was twice admonished for speaking out of order by Chief Justice Chase, who had previously served alongside him in the cabinet.

The faction loyal to Curtin continued to pose difficulties; Cameron’s appointment instead of the widely favored wartime governor generated dissatisfaction. At the 1868 state party convention, Cameron was denied the role of chairing Pennsylvania’s delegation to the 1868 Republican National Convention, and delegates were bound to support Curtin for vice president—though Curtin ultimately was unsuccessful. Curtin’s power diminished after President Ulysses S. Grant appointed him as minister to Russia and further declined when Curtin aligned with the Liberal Republican Party and endorsed Horace Greeley in 1872. Meanwhile, rising figures such as Matthew Quay emerged as Cameron’s protégés, and Cameron actively advanced his son Don’s political ambitions.

Initially, Cameron’s relationship with Grant was strained; he respected senatorial courtesy by not opposing Curtin’s appointment but blocked Alexander L. Russell’s nomination as minister to Ecuador, which annoyed Grant. Their rapport improved following a mutual acquaintance arranged a meeting during Grant’s 1869 visit to Pennsylvania. Thereafter, both Simon and Don Cameron became close associates of Grant, frequently visiting the White House and accompanying him on trips.

Cameron continued championing African American rights. In 1870, amid discussions regarding seating Hiram Revels, the first African American senator, Cameron voted affirmatively despite Democratic challenges concerning Revels’ citizenship duration under the Fourteenth Amendment. After Revels delivered his inaugural speech, Cameron was among the first to extend congratulations.

In 1870, Grant negotiated a treaty aimed at annexing Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic), which faced opposition from the Foreign Relations Committee chaired by Sumner. Although Cameron signed the committee’s unfavorable report, he later supported the treaty on the Senate floor; nonetheless, it failed to secure ratification. Angered by Sumner’s resistance, Grant sought his removal as committee chair in March 1871 and appointed Cameron despite concerns about his limited diplomatic background. As chair, Cameron played a pivotal role in negotiating the Treaty of Washington (1871), which resolved outstanding disputes with Britain.

Fourth term and resignation

With backing from Quay and others, the Camerons established a formidable political machine in Pennsylvania that connected local Republican entities, industrialists, and railroad interests, ensuring their dominance for many years. Simon Cameron outlasted numerous early allies by consistently attracting new supporters loyal both to him personally and to the Republican Party.

The 1872 elections were favorable for Pennsylvania Republicans: President Grant was re-elected; Republican John F. Hartranft won the governorship; and a Republican-majority legislature took charge of filling Cameron’s Senate seat. Quay, soon appointed Secretary of the Commonwealth under Hartranft, orchestrated Cameron’s re-election campaign, securing caucus endorsement over industrialist Charlemagne Tower. On January 22, 1873, Cameron easily won election by the General Assembly with 76 votes against William A. Wallace’s 50. The Harrisburg Patriot described him as Pennsylvania’s "undisputed master."

Having secured another six-year term well into his seventies, Cameron increasingly delegated duties to Don Cameron and Quay while making annual trips to New Orleans following his wife Margaret’s passing in 1874.

In 1875, Cameron succeeded in persuading the House to rescind its 1862 censure against him. His primary goal was obtaining a cabinet position for Don Cameron to enhance his national profile as a potential Senate successor. However, strained ties with Grant delayed this until mid-1876 when Don was appointed Secretary of War after Alphonso Taft became Attorney General.

Simon Cameron did not attend the 1876 Republican National Convention, but Don led Pennsylvania’s delegation initially pledged to Governor Hartranft. When Hartranft faltered as a candidate, Don offered Pennsylvania’s votes to Senator James G. Blaine’s campaign manager in exchange for a Pennsylvanian cabinet post; Blaine declined. Governor Rutherford B. Hayes secured the nomination with critical support from Pennsylvania.

During Hayes's contested election campaign, Cameron supported Hayes but opposed creation of the Electoral Commission designed to resolve disputed results because he feared it would favor Democrat Samuel J. Tilden. Ultimately, Hayes prevailed.

After Hayes took office, the Cameron political machine sought to keep Don in the cabinet; however, Hayes refused, pledging not to retain Grant appointees. Though initially opposing Hayes's nominees, Simon reluctantly confirmed them but found himself sidelined amid Hayes's civil service reforms and policy changes. By this time, he was among the Senate's oldest members with few contemporaries remaining.

On March 12, 1877, Simon Cameron resigned via special messenger sent to Governor Hartranft. That evening Republican legislators were summoned to endorse Don Cameron for Simon's Senate seat. The following day, Don was overwhelmingly nominated by the Republican caucus and elected by the party-line majority in the legislature.

Retirement and death

Leadership of the Cameron political organization transitioned to Don Cameron and Matthew Quay, while Simon Cameron witnessed his son's reelections in 1879 and 1885, as well as Quay’s election to the Senate in 1887. President Hayes, choosing not to appoint a Pennsylvanian to a prominent position, declined to name Simon Cameron as minister to Britain despite caucus backing, selecting John Welsh instead.

In 1877, Cameron was sued for $50,000 by Mary Oliver, known as "the Widow Oliver," who alleged an affair and a broken promise of marriage after he recommended her for a Treasury Department role. The lawsuit was settled in 1878 for $1,000; a follow-up suit was dismissed. This episode attracted unfavorable media attention and harmed his public image.

Both Camerons supported Grant's attempt at a third presidential term in 1880; after Garfield secured the nomination, Simon Cameron offered only minimal endorsement but paid a visit to the new president in 1881. Having retired, he concentrated on overseeing his estates near Maytown—properties linked to his family legacy—and managed to increase his wealth by half, while expressing disappointment with younger relatives’ lack of business acumen.

At age 88, Cameron journeyed to Europe, receiving hospitality in England from the Duke of Marlborough at Blenheim Palace and in Scotland from industrialist Andrew Carnegie. He canceled plans to visit Paris in order to spend additional time in Scotland, honoring his paternal ancestry.

On his 90th birthday in 1889, Pennsylvania’s governor and legislature paid tribute at his Harrisburg residence, accompanied by numerous congratulatory messages including one from Buffalo Bill. Senator Quay was absent due to advising President Benjamin Harrison in Washington. Shortly afterward, Cameron relocated to his country home but suffered a stroke in June and passed away six days later at Maytown, surrounded by family members except for Senator Cameron who was overseas.

His grandson Simon Brua Cameron arranged the funeral. The casket was transported by special train to Harrisburg for a modest ceremony before burial at Harrisburg Cemetery beside his wife Margaret.

Assessment

The 1936 Dictionary of American Biography characterized Cameron as a politician who "mastered the science of politics more adeptly than any of his contemporaries" and exerted significant influence by effectively organizing talented individuals. Although his tactics were often indirect and ethically ambiguous, his objectives remained transparent. Kansas Senator Edmund G. Ross remarked that Cameron "never forgave an offense, whether real or perceived, nor did he forget a kindness." The Cameron political organization maintained dominance in Pennsylvania until the 1920s, transferring leadership from Don Cameron to Matthew Quay and then Senator Boies Penrose.

Cameron is attributed with the phrase, "an honest politician is one who, once bought, stays bought." While historians frequently highlight corruption as central to his legacy, Kahan contended that Cameron was not the criminal portrayed by adversaries but rather operated within the political system’s shadows as a capitalist engaging in discreet negotiations. Lee F. Crippen, author of a study on Cameron’s prewar years, regarded him as "a victim of mischaracterization," pointing out that excessive emphasis on certain incidents distorted public perception.

A popular anecdote recounts Thaddeus Stevens responding to Lincoln’s question about Cameron’s integrity: "I do not believe he would steal a red hot stove." When Cameron demanded a retraction, Stevens replied, "I apologize... I withdraw that statement." Bradley considered this story apocryphal yet reflective of Stevens’ personality; Kahan interpreted it as illustrating Lincoln’s tolerance for Cameron’s flaws during appointment disputes. Later, Cameron described Grant as "of straightforward honesty—not cunning like... Lincoln."

Bradley viewed Lincoln’s appointment of Cameron as Secretary of War as an error that attracted the harshest criticism of his career due to unsuitability for the post. Historian T. Harry Williams labeled him "an inefficient and corrupt administrator," while Allan Nevins described him as lacking principles. Jean H. Baker called him a "poor manager" overwhelmed by office seekers and reliant on personal friendships for appointments. By 1966, Bradley noted that few respected Cameron except as an emblem of political scheming’s worst traits.

Alexander McClure, often an adversary, acknowledged Cameron’s pivotal role in Pennsylvania politics: no significant episode could omit either his defeats or successes or those of his successors through 1905. Historian Brooks M. Kelley observed that Cameron’s reputation has impeded impartial evaluation. Kahan also emphasized Cameron's often overlooked support for African Americans, urging Lincoln to recruit black soldiers and make abolition a war objective: "if there is much to criticize about Cameron, there is equally much worth admiring."

See also

• Cameron County, Pennsylvania
• Cameron Parish, Louisiana
• Simon Cameron House and Bank, located in Middletown, Pennsylvania
• Simon Cameron House, situated in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania
• Simon Cameron School, based in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania

Further reading

• Koistinen, Paul A. C. Beating Plowshares into Swords: The Political Economy of American Warfare, 1606–1865 (1996), pages 132–169.

External links

• Biography of Simon Cameron featured in Secretaries of War and Secretaries of the Army, United States Army Center of Military History
• Spartacus Educational: Profile on Simon Cameron
• Mathew Brady Studio: Portrait of Simon Cameron
• U.S. Congressional Biographical Directory: Simon Cameron
• Lincoln Institute: Biography of Simon Cameron
• Mr. Lincoln and Friends: Information on Simon Cameron

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