Thaksin Shinawatra

Thaksin Shinawatra
Thaksin Shinawatra
Born	July 26, 1949 (age 77); San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai Province, Thailand
Occupation(s)	Entrepreneur, politician
Years active	1973–present
Known for	23rd Prime Minister of Thailand (2001–2006), founder of Advanced Info Service (AIS) and Shin Corporation, founder of Thai Rak Thai Party

Thaksin Shinawatra (, ; born 26 July 1949) is a Thai entrepreneur and political figure who held the office of the 23rd Prime Minister of Thailand from 2001 until 2006. Since 2009, he has also possessed Montenegrin citizenship.

In 1987, Thaksin launched the mobile network operator Advanced Info Service (AIS) and established the telecommunications conglomerate Shin Corporation, eventually becoming one of Thailand’s wealthiest businessmen. He founded the Thai Rak Thai Party (TRT) in 1998 and, following a decisive electoral victory, assumed the prime ministership in 2001. Notably, he was the first democratically elected Thai prime minister to complete a full term and secured re-election in 2005 with a substantial majority.

During his tenure, his government introduced programs aimed at poverty alleviation, infrastructure development, support for small and medium enterprises, and universal healthcare provision. Thaksin also adopted a hardline approach to the separatist insurgency in southern Thailand. Nevertheless, his "war on drugs" campaign attracted controversy; official figures reported 72 fatalities, though higher estimates have been suggested.

The tax-exempt sale of Shin Corporation shares for over one billion US dollars provoked widespread dispute. The People's Alliance for Democracy ("Yellow Shirts") organized large-scale protests accusing him of corruption and authoritarian tendencies. In 2006, after opposition parties boycotted snap elections that were subsequently annulled by the Constitutional Court, Thaksin was removed from power in a military coup on 19 September. His party was dissolved, and he was prohibited from political participation.

He spent fifteen years living in self-imposed exile—except for a brief visit in 2008—during which he was convicted in absentia for abuse of power and stripped of his police rank. From abroad, Thaksin maintained influence over Thai politics through the People's Power Party and its successor, the Pheu Thai Party, as well as through the "Red Shirt" movement. His sister Yingluck Shinawatra served as prime minister between 2011 and 2014, while his daughter Paetongtarn Shinawatra assumed the premiership in 2024.

While in exile, Thaksin adopted the pseudonym "Tony Woodsome" on Clubhouse, using the platform to communicate with supporters. After announcing plans to return via social media, he arrived in Thailand on 22 August 2023 and was immediately detained. He was later granted parole and received a royal pardon in 2024.

Heritage and early life

Thaksin’s great-great-grandfather, Seng Saekhu (Khu Chun Seng 丘春盛), was an ethnic Chinese Hakka immigrant originating from Fengshun, Guangdong province, China. He migrated to Siam during the 1860s and settled in Chiang Mai by 1908. Seng Saekhu’s eldest son, Chiang Saekhu—born in Chanthaburi in 1890—married a local woman. Chiang’s eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra in 1938 as part of the country’s pro-Central Thai movement, a change embraced by the entire family.

Seng Saekhu accumulated wealth through tax farming. Chiang Saekhu/Shinawatra later established Shinawatra Silks and expanded into finance, construction, and real estate development. Thaksin’s father, Loet, born in Chiang Mai in 1919, wed Yindi Ramingwong—whose father was also a Chinese Hakka immigrant married to minor Lanna royalty.

In 1968, Loet Shinawatra entered politics as a member of parliament representing Chiang Mai but exited political life in 1976 to focus on business pursuits including operating a coffee shop, engaging in agriculture, managing cinemas, running a gas station, and overseeing vehicle dealerships. By the time Thaksin was born, the Shinawatra family ranked among Chiang Mai’s most affluent and influential households.

Thaksin was born in San Kamphaeng district of Chiang Mai Province into a Theravada Buddhist family environment. He remained there until age fifteen before enrolling at Montfort College in Chiang Mai. At sixteen years old, he gained early entrepreneurial experience by managing one of his father’s cinemas.

In July 1976, Thaksin married Potjaman Damapong. They have three children: one son named Panthongtae and two daughters—Pinthongtha and Paethongtarn. The couple divorced in 2008. His youngest sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, entered politics upon his encouragement as leader of the pro-Thaksin Pheu Thai Party and became prime minister on 3 July 2011. Thaksin holds a doctorate in criminology from Sam Houston State University and served as a lecturer at Mahidol University’s Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities in 1979.

Police career

Thaksin was enrolled in the 10th cohort of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School before advancing to the Thai Police Cadet Academy, from which he graduated in 1973. He obtained a master's degree in criminal justice from Eastern Kentucky University in 1975, followed by a doctorate from Sam Houston State University in 1978. Upon returning to Thailand, he ascended to the role of Deputy Superintendent within the Policy and Planning Sub-division of the Metropolitan Police Bureau. He resigned from his position as a Police Lieutenant Colonel in 1987. His police rank was officially revoked in September 2015. Thaksin’s former spouse, Potjaman Damapong, is related to Police General Priewpan Damapong.

Additionally, he worked as a university instructor at the Royal Police Cadet Academy during 1975–1976.

Early ventures

While still serving in the police force, Thaksin and his wife initiated multiple business endeavors including a silk retail outlet, a cinema, and an apartment complex; however, all these enterprises failed, resulting in debts exceeding 50 million baht (£1 million). In 1982, he established ICSI, focusing on leasing computers to government entities with moderate success. Later attempts in security systems (SOS) and public bus radio communications (Bus Sound) were unsuccessful.

In April 1986, he launched Advanced Info Service (AIS), which initially operated as a computer rental company.

After leaving the police force in 1987, Thaksin promoted the popular romance drama Baan Sai Thong. In 1988, he partnered with Pacific Telesis to manage the PacLink pager service but eventually sold his shares to create his own paging enterprise.

In 1989, Thaksin founded IBC, a cable television firm supported by his political allies; despite this backing, it incurred losses and later merged with CP Group's UTV.

That same year saw the creation of Shinawatra DataCom (currently Advanced Data Network), jointly owned by AIS and TOT. Many of his enterprises were subsequently integrated into Shin Corporation.

Advanced Info Service and later ventures

Advanced Info Service (AIS) secured an exclusive contract in 1986 through Thaksin’s military affiliations, operating on the GSM-900 spectrum. AIS rapidly grew to become Thailand’s dominant mobile network provider.

The Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group was founded in 1987 and went public on the Stock Exchange of Thailand by 1990. That same year, Thaksin established Shinawatra Satellite, responsible for developing and managing four Thaicom communication satellites.

In 1999, the Shinawatra family invested approximately one billion baht to create Shinawatra University in Pathum Thani, offering international courses in engineering, architecture, and business administration.

By 2000, Thaksin acquired the financially troubled iTV television station from entities including the Crown Property Bureau, Nation Multimedia Group, and Siam Commercial Bank.

Political career

Thaksin embarked on his political journey in late 1994 through association with Chamlong Srimuang, then leader of the Palang Dharma Party (PDP). Following a purge of ministers linked to Boonchu within PDP, he was appointed Foreign Minister in December 1994. In 1996, he departed Palang Dharma alongside numerous MPs and founded the populist Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party in 1998. After achieving a landmark victory in the 2001 general election, he assumed office as prime minister for a full term.

His administration focused heavily on alleviating rural poverty, reducing it by half over four years. He introduced Thailand’s inaugural universal healthcare initiative—the 30-baht scheme—and launched an aggressive anti-drug campaign. Significant investments were made into infrastructure projects such as road networks, public transportation systems, and Suvarnabhumi Airport. Despite these expenditures, public sector debt decreased from 57% of GDP in 2001 to 41% by 2006. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index showed improvement during his tenure, rising from 3.2 to 3.8 between 2001 and 2005. The Thai Rak Thai party secured a landslide victory in the 2005 election that recorded Thailand’s highest voter turnout ever.

A dozen years after Thaksin’s ousting from office, Chamlong Srimuang publicly regretted his earlier support due to corruption concerns. Subsequently, the PDP withdrew from government amid the Sor Por Kor 4-01 land reform corruption scandal, leading to the downfall of Chuan Leekpai’s administration.

PDP Leadership and Deputy Premiership under Banharn

Towards the conclusion of the Chuan administration, Chamlong faced criticism for his ineffective management of PDP affairs and subsequently stepped down, endorsing Thaksin as the party leader. Thaksin made an unsuccessful bid for a position on the constitutional tribunal.

He later joined Banharn Silpa-Archa's cabinet as Deputy Prime Minister, tasked with managing Bangkok’s traffic issues. In May 1996, Thaksin and four other PDP ministers resigned from their cabinet roles but retained their parliamentary seats, triggering a cabinet reshuffle. This action was widely interpreted as backing Chamlong’s campaign for Bangkok Governor in June 1996, which Chamlong ultimately lost to independent candidate Bhichit Rattakul.

Chamlong’s inability to consolidate the PDP’s influence in Bangkok intensified internal party conflicts between his "temple" faction and Thaksin’s group. Soon after, Chamlong withdrew from politics once again.

By August 1996, both Thaksin and the PDP exited the Banharn government. During a no-confidence debate, the PDP opposed Banharn’s administration, leading to the dissolution of Parliament in September 1996.

Although Thaksin chose not to contest the November 1996 elections, he maintained his position as PDP leader. The party suffered a devastating loss, securing only a single seat and eventually disintegrating.

Deputy Prime Minister under Chavalit

On 15 August 1997, amid the Asian financial turmoil sparked by the baht’s devaluation on 2 July 1997, Thaksin was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in Chavalit Yongchaiyudh's cabinet. He remained in this role until Chavalit resigned on 14 November 1997.

During a censure debate in September 1997, Democrat Suthep Thaugsuban accused Thaksin of insider trading linked to the baht’s flotation; however, no formal investigation was pursued under subsequent Democrat-led governments.

Thaksin also held a position on the Asia Advisory Board of the Washington-based Carlyle Group until resigning upon assuming the premiership in 2001.

Formation of Thai Rak Thai and the 2001 Election Victory

In 1998, Thaksin established the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party alongside figures such as Somkid Jatusripitak, Sudarat Keyuraphan, Purachai Piumsomboon, among others. TRT’s populist agenda—largely shaped by Somkid—promised universal healthcare access, a three-year debt relief period for farmers, and one million baht in development funds managed locally for each village.

Following Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai’s dissolution of parliament in November 2000, TRT achieved a commanding victory in the January 2001 elections—the first conducted under the 1997 Constitution. Securing 248 seats—the largest number ever won by a single party—TRT formed a broad coalition with the Chart Thai Party and New Aspiration Party to solidify its governing mandate. Thaksin assumed office as Prime Minister on 9 February 2001.

Thaksin's Asset Disclosure Indictment

Thailand’s National Counter Corruption Commission charged Thaksin with failing to declare assets estimated at approximately 2.37 billion baht (around $56 million) during his tenure as deputy prime minister from 1997 to 1998. The so-called "stock hiding case" alleged that he concealed ownership by transferring shares to employees and nominees, thereby breaching constitutional provisions barring politicians from holding shares in private enterprises.

Thaksin defended himself by highlighting ambiguities within the constitution’s definition of "personal property," unclear accounting standards at that time, and prior disclosures made to authorities. The National Anti-Corruption Commission argued that prevailing norms required full transparency and that Thaksin bore responsibility under constitutional rules effective from October 1997.

The Constitutional Court narrowly ruled 8–7 that there was no intent on Thaksin’s part to conceal assets. This verdict provoked public doubts about judicial impartiality, with some suspecting interference due to Thaksin’s political stature. The controversy contributed to the dismissal of four Constitutional Court judges.

In 2011, the Truth for Reconciliation Commission determined that the court’s handling of this case was unlawful. Notably, some judges who abstained on jurisdictional grounds were counted in the final tally, resulting in an 8–7 decision favoring Thaksin. This procedural irregularity intensified widespread skepticism regarding Thailand’s judicial integrity.

Premiership (2001–2006)

Thaksin Shinawatra distinguished himself as the first Thai prime minister to fulfill an entire term, ushering in a notable era in the nation’s contemporary history. His administration introduced significant reforms spanning economic development, public health improvement, educational advancement, energy policy, social stability, drug enforcement, and diplomatic engagement, which helped secure his re-election.

Among his administration’s most business-relevant measures were efforts to alleviate rural poverty alongside the establishment of universal healthcare, which notably broadened his appeal among rural communities, particularly in the northeastern provinces.

The cabinet comprised a coalition including academics, ex-student activists, and members from the Palang Dharma Party, such as Prommin Lertsuridej, Chaturon Chaisang, Somkid Jatusripitak, Surakiart Sathirathai, and Sudarat Keyuraphan. Additionally, established regional power figures lent their support to his government.

Nevertheless, his term was not without controversy; critics pointed to authoritarian governance styles, allegations of corruption and conflicts of interest, human rights violations, and limitations on press freedoms. He also became entangled in disputes involving accusations of lèse majesté, treason charges, and controversial sales of national assets to foreign investors.

Economic policies

Thaksin’s administration focused heavily on programs designed for rural populations. Initiatives included village-run microcredit schemes, affordable loans for farmers, direct financial support for village development through the SML program, infrastructure enhancements, and the promotion of small and medium enterprises via the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) initiative.

These strategies played a role in Thailand’s recovery following the 1997 Asian financial crisis and contributed to substantial poverty reduction. The country’s GDP expanded from 4.9 trillion baht in 2001 to 7.1 trillion baht by 2006. Notably, Thailand managed to settle its IMF obligations two years ahead of schedule.

Income levels in the northeast—the nation’s poorest region—increased by 46% between 2001 and 2006. The national poverty rate declined from 21.3% to 11.3%, while the Gini coefficient improved from .525 in 2000 to .499 by 2004. The Stock Exchange of Thailand outperformed other markets across Asia during this period. After running fiscal deficits in 2001 and 2002, Thaksin’s government achieved budget surpluses from 2003 through 2005 despite substantial investments in infrastructure; a balanced budget was anticipated for 2007. Public debt decreased from 57% of GDP in 2001 down to 41% by 2006, while foreign currency reserves grew substantially from US$30 billion to US$64 billion.

Opponents criticized what became known as Thaksinomics, describing it as a Keynesian-style economic stimulus repackaged under populist rhetoric that encouraged dependency among impoverished rural populations.

Under Thaksin’s leadership, Thailand legalized its underground lottery system (the numbers game) through the Government Lottery Office. This generated approximately 70 billion baht (US$2 billion), funding social programs such as "One District, One Scholarship." His government also moved forward with privatizing MCOT, a leading television and radio broadcaster.

Following the military coup in 2006, many of Thaksin’s economic reforms were rolled back: OTOP was renamed and restructured; the lottery program was declared illegal; and several media and energy enterprises were brought back under state control. A study conducted by the Thailand Development Research Institute (TDRI) concluded that numerous populist initiatives had minimal economic effect or produced results largely by coincidence.

Educational policies

Throughout Thaksin's tenure, the World Bank observed a tendency toward recentralizing control within Thailand's education sector, contrary to decentralization efforts.

A significant reform introduced by the 1997 Constitution aimed to decentralize school administration by shifting authority from the centralized Ministry of Education to Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs). This move met fierce resistance from approximately 700,000 teachers nationwide, who were concerned about losing their civil servant status and doubted the managerial capabilities of TAOs. In response to widespread protests and threats to shut down schools, Thaksin reached a compromise, granting teachers a two-year period to transfer if affected.

Additional reforms prioritized decentralizing curricula to promote comprehensive education rather than rote memorization. To enhance university accessibility for students from lower-income backgrounds, Thaksin initiated the Student Loan Fund (SLF) and Income Contingency Loan (ICL) programs. The ICL enabled financially disadvantaged students to obtain loans repayable only once their monthly income exceeded 16,000 baht, with interest rates linked to inflation. The SLF imposed income eligibility thresholds and offered low post-graduation interest rates. Following a change in government, these programs were consolidated with revised eligibility criteria.

Thaksin endorsed Nicholas Negroponte’s One Laptop Per Child initiative, with the Ministry of Education committing to acquire 600,000 laptops; however, this project was later terminated by the military junta.

He also launched the contentious "One District, One Dream School" initiative aimed at elevating school quality across districts. Critics contended that this primarily served Thaksin’s interests and benefited suppliers of computers and educational materials. Many schools incurred substantial debt attempting to implement the program amid inadequate government funding.

Moreover, Thaksin altered university admission procedures by increasing the emphasis on senior high school grades relative to standardized testing scores, intending to lessen dependence on private tutoring and encourage learning within classrooms.

Healthcare policies

Thaksin introduced two pivotal healthcare programs: subsidized universal health coverage (UHC) in 2002 and affordable universal access to anti-retroviral HIV treatments (ARVs). His 30-baht-per-visit UHC scheme received widespread public support but faced criticism from numerous medical professionals and officials. Prior to implementation, many citizens lacked health insurance and had limited access to healthcare services; the program expanded coverage from 76% to 96% of the population. Initially dismissed as a "populist" measure, officials after the 2006 coup labeled it a "marketing gimmick." Nearly half of UHC beneficiaries expressed dissatisfaction with their treatment experience. Challenges included excessive workloads for healthcare providers, overcrowded facilities, and insufficient time for diagnostics. Although expenditures rose from 56 million baht in 2006 to 166 million baht by 2019, costs remained below one percent of GDP.

The War on Drugs

On 14 January 2003, Thaksin initiated an intense nationwide campaign aiming to eradicate drug problems within three months. The approach involved altering punishment methods for addicts, establishing arrest and seizure quotas, incentivizing officials who met targets, and enforcing strict measures. Human Rights Watch reported 2,275 extrajudicial killings during the initial three months; however, subsequent analysis clarified that this figure represented total deaths recorded by police during that period rather than exclusively drug-related incidents. Thailand’s police chief acknowledged that internal investigations confirmed 72 deaths attributable to extrajudicial actions. The government asserted that roughly 50 deaths involved police conduct while attributing others to rival traffickers eliminating competition. Critics maintained that numerous unlawful executions took place.

The authorities maintained a blacklist identifying suspected drug offenders; however, its accuracy was questionable—some actual dealers were excluded while innocent individuals were mistakenly included, occasionally due to personal grievances. Community reports contributed to these inaccuracies.

In a subtle rebuke during a 2003 speech, King Bhumibol highlighted legal and ethical responsibilities concerning casualties linked to the campaign and called for thorough police investigations. Police Commander Sant Sarutanond reopened inquiries but upheld that few deaths were police-related.

Facing international condemnation, Thaksin invited a UN human rights representative yet publicly dismissed concerns raised. After the 2006 coup, a military-appointed committee led by former Attorney General Kanit Na Nakorn examined the campaign’s conduct. Their findings revealed that over half of those killed had no connections to drugs and attributed casualties to a shoot-to-kill policy based on flawed blacklists. Although the report identified politicians who encouraged violent measures, no prosecutions ensued; political changes led to omission of implicated names from official records.

Opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva accused Thaksin of crimes against humanity concerning this campaign. Upon becoming Prime Minister, Abhisit launched another investigation headed by former Attorney General Kampee Kaewcharoen with aspirations for possible International Criminal Court involvement. Under Abhisit’s government, the Department of Special Investigation actively encouraged witnesses and victims to come forward.

Energy policies

The Thaksin administration advanced the privatisation efforts initiated by the Chuan Leekpai government but introduced significant modifications. Whereas the former administration prioritized economic efficiency by breaking up industries and fostering competition through a wholesale power pool, Thaksin’s strategy focused on establishing national champions to stimulate robust economic growth and enhance competitiveness in regional energy markets. His tenure also emphasized promoting renewable energy sources and implementing energy-saving measures. Many of these initiatives were later reversed following the 2006 military coup.

South Thailand insurgency

Starting in 2001, violence intensified in Thailand’s three southernmost provinces, which are predominantly inhabited by Muslim ethnic Malays. The conflict involved assaults on security forces, educational institutions, civilians, and Buddhist monks. Thaksin faced considerable criticism for his approach to managing this unrest.

Notable events during this period included the military’s assault on the Krue Se Mosque resulting in casualties; the controversial detention incident at Tak Bai in October 2004, where 84 Muslim protesters died; and the disappearance of Somchai Neelapaijit, a Muslim lawyer allegedly abducted by police. Despite indications of police involvement, investigations were closed without any prosecutions.

In response, Thaksin intensified military and police actions and imposed an Emergency Decree over the affected provinces in July 2005. Human rights organizations cautioned that this could lead to infringements on civil liberties.

In March 2005, Thaksin established the National Reconciliation Commission under former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun to pursue peace efforts. The commission’s 2006 recommendations included integrating aspects of Islamic law and recognizing Pattani-Malay (Yawi) as an official language alongside Thai. Although the government reviewed these suggestions, they were not enacted.

Thaksin attributed part of the insurgency to militants trained in Malaysian jungles and influenced by Indonesian elements.

Administrative reform

One of Thaksin’s major reforms involved a comprehensive "big bang" restructuring of government ministries and departments—the first such overhaul since 1897. This reform aimed to simplify bureaucratic processes, boost efficiency, and reduce institutional rigidity. It led to the creation of new ministries focused on Social and Human Security Development, Tourism and Sports, Natural Resources and Environment, Information and Communication Technology, and Culture.

Thaksin transformed the role of provincial governors from largely symbolic figures into proactive policy executives. Traditionally, provincial offices operated under central ministries with limited governor authority. Beginning in 2003, "CEO-governors" were empowered to lead provincial planning and coordination with full responsibility for local affairs. Supported by "provincial CFOs" from the Ministry of Finance, governors gained the ability to issue bonds for funding and received extensive management training.

All 75 CEO-governors were appointed by the Interior Minister and granted expanded control over personnel and budget matters. A designated "CEO-governor budget" amounting to tens of millions of baht was allocated; however, critics accused local MPs of exploiting these funds politically to bolster support for Thaksin’s administration.

After the 2006 coup, Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont eliminated the CEO-governor budget via a royal decree in 2008 to prevent its use for political purposes.

Additionally, Thaksin’s government introduced one-stop service centres designed to streamline administrative procedures related to investment promotion, utility services, and ID-card issuance.

Foreign policy initiatives

Thaksin embarked on talks to establish multiple free trade agreements with nations including China, Australia, Bahrain, India, and the United States, although the proposed agreement with the US attracted criticism due to concerns about its potential negative impact on Thailand's high-cost industries.

Thailand deployed a humanitarian force of 423 personnel as part of the US-led coalition during the Iraq invasion, withdrawing these troops by September 2004 following the deaths of two soldiers in insurgent attacks.

Thaksin announced that Thailand would reject foreign aid, opting instead to collaborate with international donors to support development efforts in neighboring countries within the Greater Mekong Sub-region.

His diplomatic approach drew criticism for perceived lack of tact in interactions with foreign officials and international organizations, including contentious statements at the United Nations and alleged diplomatic errors at global forums.

Seeking to elevate Thailand's status as a regional influencer, Thaksin initiated development programs targeting economically disadvantaged neighbors such as Laos and cultivated close relations with Myanmar’s military government, controversially approving a 4 billion baht credit facility to facilitate a satellite telecommunications contract connected to his family's business interests.

Additionally, Thaksin endorsed former foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathai’s bid for the position of Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Suvarnabhumi Airport

Despite concerns about soil stability that delayed progress, Thaksin’s administration prioritized completing Suvarnabhumi International Airport, which officially commenced operations shortly after his removal from office.

Officials within his government faced allegations of corruption linked to the airport project; these claims were utilized by the military junta as justification for the 2006 coup. Subsequent investigations revealed only minor structural damage to the facility, with repair expenses amounting to less than one percent of total project costs. Critics accused the junta of intentionally postponing repairs to worsen conditions and further implicate Thaksin’s administration.

Corruption

Thaksin was accused of "policy corruption," referring to infrastructure and deregulation initiatives that, while legally sanctioned, were alleged to undermine public welfare. Analysts from the National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA) estimated these policies resulted in government overspending ranging from 5 to 30 percent, amounting to an excess of approximately 400 billion baht. Examples cited include the Thailand Board of Investment granting tax incentives totaling 16.4 billion baht for Shin Satellite’s iPSTAR project in 2003 and the Transport Ministry eliminating minimum airfare regulations concurrently with Shin Corporation’s joint venture efforts involving low-cost airline AirAsia.

After the 2006 coup, the military-appointed Assets Examination Committee froze Thaksin’s assets on charges related to policy corruption. Thaksin refuted these claims, maintaining that his policies benefited the majority population. Between 2002 and 2006, Shin Corporation’s stock value increased by 173 percent, surpassing the Stock Exchange of Thailand (SET) index growth of 161 percent; conversely, Shin Satellite’s shares declined and AIS’s market share contracted from 68 to 53 percent amid industry deregulation.

Transparency International reported a modest enhancement in business transparency during Thaksin’s tenure, with Thailand’s Corruption Perceptions Index improving from 3.2 in 2001 (ranked 61st) to 3.8 in 2005 (ranked 59th). Nevertheless, World Bank governance metrics indicated deterioration in "control of corruption" between 2002 and 2005 compared to the Democrat-led government period spanning 1998–2000.

In 2008, Thaksin was convicted in absentia and sentenced to two years imprisonment for a corrupt land transaction—the first time a Thai prime minister was found guilty of corruption. He was determined to have breached conflict of interest laws by facilitating his wife’s acquisition of state land at a price below market value.

Additional accusations

Following the incidents in March 2010, Abhisit Vejjajiva declared his intention to engage in talks with the red shirt leaders but explicitly excluded negotiations with Thaksin. He condemned Thaksin's accumulation of wealth and lavish lifestyle, highlighting the contrast with the rural backgrounds of many of his followers. Abhisit also disputed Thaksin's assertion of being a representative of the common populace ("phrai"), contending that he was more aligned with Thailand's established elites ("ammart") within the military, civil service, and political establishment.

Thaksin's administration was also accused of exerting political pressure during its campaign against unlicensed community radio broadcasters and pursued defamation suits against journalists who criticized the government.

Re-election in 2005

Campaigning under themes such as "Four Years of Repair – Four Years of Reconstruction" and "Building Opportunities," Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party achieved a decisive victory in the February 2005 elections, capturing 374 out of 500 parliamentary seats amid the highest voter participation ever recorded in Thailand. Nevertheless, his second tenure was marred by demonstrations alleging that he governed through a "parliamentary dictatorship."

The crisis intensified after media tycoon and former ally Sondhi Limthongkul leveled accusations against Thaksin, including allegations that he:

Suppressed press freedom by initiating legal action against Sondhi following the publication of a sermon by the contentious monk Luang Ta Maha Bua.
Was involved in orchestrating the vandalism at the Erawan Shrine.

Shin Corporation divestment

On 23 January 2006, the Shinawatra family divested their entire holdings in Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings, resulting in approximately 73 billion baht (around US$1.88 billion) in tax-exempt proceeds due to a regulation that exempts individual sellers on the Stock Exchange of Thailand from paying capital gains tax. Thaksin was accused of corruption for facilitating the transfer of significant national assets to a foreign corporation, despite existing Thai laws prohibiting such sales; these regulations had been amended under his government to allow the transaction.

This sale triggered protests organized by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), drawing tens of thousands near Government House in Bangkok.

Parliament dissolution and election

Thaksin dissolved parliament on 24 February 2006 and called for general elections on 2 April. Critics claimed this abrupt election was designed to restrict party defections and exploit voters who lacked sufficient information.

Despite widespread boycotts, Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party secured victory by winning 462 seats, with a vote ratio favoring 'yes' over 'no' at approximately 16:10 when excluding abstentions. However, by-elections were required for 40 TRT candidates who did not reach the constitutionally mandated 20 percent vote threshold in uncontested constituencies as specified by the 1997 Constitution. The Democrat Party boycotted these by-elections and collaborated with PAD to petition for their cancellation. PAD leaders pledged to persist with their demonstrations until Thaksin stepped down and a prime minister appointed by royal decree took office.

On 4 April, Thaksin announced he would not assume the prime minister position once parliament reconvened but intended to continue as caretaker prime minister until then. He delegated responsibilities to Deputy Prime Minister Chidchai Wannasathit, vacated Government House, and departed for a vacation.

The elections held on 25 April saw TRT win 25 constituencies while losing two; additional by-elections were scheduled for 13 constituencies on 29 April. Subsequently, TRT was found guilty of compensating smaller parties to participate in elections to satisfy the 20 percent threshold requirement, whereas the Democrat Party was accused of paying minor parties not to contest. The Constitutional Court suspended these by-elections pending review regarding potential annulment of the main election results. Meanwhile, from exile, Thaksin maintained his technical majority during media interviews.

Annulment of the Elections

On 8 May 2006, the Constitutional Court delivered an 8–6 decision to nullify the April elections, citing the improper arrangement of voting booths as the basis. This verdict was regarded as a significant example of "judicial activism." The Democrat Party, which had abstained from participating in the April polls, declared its intention to compete in the rescheduled election slated for October.

Consequently, a fresh election was mandated for 15 October 2006. The court held the Election Commissioners accountable for misconduct and sentenced them to imprisonment. Nevertheless, this election was ultimately cancelled following the military takeover on 19 September.

Removal from Power

The administration led by Thaksin encountered accusations encompassing corruption, authoritarian governance, treason, conflicts of interest, diplomatic errors, and suppression of the press. Charges against Thaksin included tax evasion, lèse majesté offenses, and the sale of Thai corporate assets to foreign investors. Various independent organizations, such as Amnesty International, condemned his human rights practices. Additionally, he faced allegations of hiding assets during his tenure as prime minister.

Widespread demonstrations orchestrated by the People's Alliance for Democracy culminated in a military coup on 19 September 2006 that displaced Thaksin’s caretaker government. The Constitutional Tribunal subsequently dissolved the Thai Rak Thai party on grounds of electoral fraud ex post facto, imposing a five-year political ban on Thaksin and several party executives. The Assets Examination Committee appointed by the CNS froze assets belonging to Thaksin and his family valued at 76 billion baht (approximately US$2.2 billion), citing suspicious wealth accumulated while in office. Although Thaksin had declared assets totaling 15.1 billion baht in 2001, numerous holdings were transferred to relatives and associates prior to assuming office.

After the PPP, which received his backing, won elections following the coup, Thaksin returned to Thailand on 28 February 2008. After attending the Beijing Olympics later that year, he did not appear to serve his final supreme court sentence and sought asylum in the United Kingdom, which was denied. In October 2008, the Thai Supreme Court convicted him in absentia for conflict of interest charges and sentenced him to two years in prison.

Following the Supreme Court’s dissolution of the PPP, its members reorganized under the Pheu Thai Party, which also enjoyed Thaksin’s support. He remains a prominent backer and alleged financial supporter of the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship ("Red Shirts"). Due to his participation in protests during Songkran in 2009, his passport was revoked. On 26 February 2010, after ruling him guilty of abnormal wealth accumulation, the Supreme Court confiscated 46 billion baht from his frozen assets.

In 2009, Thaksin acquired Montenegrin citizenship through that nation’s economic citizenship program.

September 2006 Coup

On 19 September 2006, while Thaksin was attending a UN summit and delivering a speech at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City, military forces took control over Bangkok. Approximately 50 soldiers at Government House ordered around 220 police officers to surrender their weapons. Military personnel also secured key facilities including the Thaicom satellite station and state-owned Channel 11. By dawn, tanks and armed vehicles were deployed at Government House, the Royal Plaza, and along Ratchadamnoen Avenue.

The coup involved units from the 1st and 3rd Army Regions, the Internal Security Operations Command, Special Warfare Centre, forces drawn from Nakhon Ratchasima and Prachinburi, as well as naval sailors. Army General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, who led the coup, announced arrests including Deputy Prime Minister Chitchai Wannasathit and Defense Minister Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya.

Initially identifying itself as the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarch (CDRM), the military justified its takeover by citing allegations of lèse majesté, corruption, interference with government institutions, and societal division. The junta reaffirmed loyalty to the King as head of state and pledged forthcoming elections to reestablish democratic governance. Meanwhile, Thaksin departed New York for Great Britain to join his family.

Thai Rak Thai Party

In the aftermath of the 2006 military coup, a significant number of Thai Rak Thai (TRT) members resigned due to concerns over the party’s potential disbandment and political prohibitions. Among those who left were Somsak Thepsuthin and around 100 affiliates from the Wang Nam Yen faction. Additionally, Sontaya Kunplome led a group of 20 members from the Chonburi faction in stepping down. On 2 October 2006, both Thaksin Shinawatra and his former deputy Somkid Jatusipitak resigned, with Chaturon Chaisang assuming leadership of the party.

The Constitutional Tribunal officially dissolved TRT on 30 May 2007, issuing a five-year political ban to over 100 executives, including Thaksin. This action followed allegations that two party executives bribed a minor party to participate in the April 2006 election. While similar accusations were directed at the Democrat Party, they were ultimately exonerated.

2006 Bangkok New Year's Eve bombings

Between 31 December 2006 and 1 January 2007, several explosions occurred across Bangkok, resulting in three fatalities and numerous injuries. Prime Minister General Surayud Chulanont attributed the attacks to "those who lost power following the military takeover," without explicitly naming Thaksin. Thaksin denied any involvement during an interview on CNN. No suspects have been apprehended in relation to these bombings.

Legal charges

On 31 December 2006, Thaksin’s diplomatic passport was revoked after the junta accused him of engaging in political activities while abroad. Thai diplomatic missions were instructed to withhold assistance for his travel.

The Assets Examination Committee (AEC), appointed by the junta, froze Thaksin’s assets and initiated legal proceedings against him. The committee faced accusations of partiality, with its secretary reportedly disregarding evidence and testimonies during investigations.

In January 2007, the Financial Institutions Development Fund (FIDF) pressed charges against Thaksin and his wife concerning a 2003 land acquisition valued at 772 million baht, citing breaches of the National Counter Corruption Act, which prohibits officials and their spouses from entering contracts with state agencies under their control.

The AEC further accused Thaksin of endorsing an illegal cabinet resolution allocating state funds for rubber sapling purchases.

In March 2007, the Office of the Attorney-General charged Thaksin’s wife and brother-in-law with conspiring to evade taxes amounting to 546 million baht related to a 1997 transfer of Shin Corporation shares.

The AEC also found Thaksin guilty of misconduct for hindering competition by imposing an excise tax on telecommunications operators, a measure authorized by his Cabinet in 2003.

Purchase of Manchester City Football Club

During his tenure as prime minister, Thaksin attempted but failed to acquire English Premier League teams Fulham and Liverpool—efforts viewed by critics as attempts at gaining publicity amid political difficulties.

On 21 June 2007, after leaving office, Thaksin completed the purchase of Manchester City for £81.6 million. He briefly earned favor among supporters—who nicknamed him "Frank"—by appointing Sven-Göran Eriksson as manager and signing prominent players. However, Eriksson later criticized Thaksin’s approach to football management, remarking that he "didn't understand football."

Thaksin sold Manchester City in September 2008 to Abu Dhabi United Group for roughly £200 million. Although initially named honorary president without executive responsibilities, he was subsequently removed from this position following his conviction and ongoing legal troubles in Thailand.

Convictions and Exile

In May 2007, Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont declared that Thaksin could return to Thailand under a personal security assurance. In January 2008, Thaksin's wife, Potjaman, was detained upon her arrival in Bangkok but later released on bail while facing charges related to alleged violations in stock trading and land transactions.

Thaksin came back to Bangkok on 28 February 2008 after spending 17 months abroad. He announced he would refrain from political involvement and instead concentrate on his football ventures. The following month, he entered a not guilty plea in one of two ongoing corruption cases and was permitted a month-long trip to England.

In June, the Supreme Court rejected Thaksin’s requests for travel due to unresolved corruption proceedings and mandated the surrender of his passport. By July, the court assumed jurisdiction over a fourth corruption allegation concerning soft loans to Burma and agreed to investigate claims that Thaksin, his former cabinet members, and current officials breached anti-gambling statutes by initiating the state lottery in 2003.

On 31 July, Potjaman was convicted and sentenced to three years imprisonment but was released on bail. The Bangkok Criminal Court also found her adopted brother, Bhanapot Damapong, along with her secretary, guilty of tax evasion for allegedly holding assets on behalf of Thaksin.

Request for Asylum in the United Kingdom

On 10 August 2008, Thaksin and Potjaman breached bail conditions by attending the 2008 Summer Olympics Opening Ceremony in Beijing. Thaksin expressed a desire to return to Thailand but claimed that he and his family’s safety could not be guaranteed. He applied for political asylum in the United Kingdom, citing judicial interference influenced by political motives. There is no official record confirming whether his asylum petition was accepted or rejected.

The Thailand Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions issued a second arrest warrant against him on 16 September 2008 regarding another unresolved corruption case and ordered suspension of the trial. Additional warrants were issued as he continued to miss multiple corruption hearings.

Ratchadaphisek Land Verdict

On 21 October 2008, the Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions determined that during his tenure as prime minister, Thaksin had abused authority by facilitating his wife’s acquisition of public land at auction. He was sentenced to two years imprisonment.

Thaksin told Reuters he had expected the ruling and asserted that the case was driven by political agendas. The chief prosecutor urged British authorities to extradite him. Thaksin denied ever applying for political asylum in Britain.

Self-imposed Exile

On 10 November 2008, the Philippine government rejected any request from Thaksin seeking political refuge, citing strong diplomatic ties with Thailand. The British Home Office canceled visas held by Thaksin and his wife due to their convictions, while the British Embassy instructed airlines to refuse them boarding on flights bound for the UK. Late in 2008, reports surfaced suggesting that the UK had frozen assets amounting to US$4.2 billion belonging to him; however, this was not officially confirmed.

Thaksin reportedly considered various countries as potential places of refuge, including China, the Bahamas, Nicaragua, along with several nations across South America and Africa. The Shinawatras received honorary citizenship from both the Bahamas and Nicaragua and were constructing a £5.5 million residence in China. As of May 2009, he remained based in Dubai. A spokesperson indicated that Thaksin traveled using six different passports, none of which were Thai.

In December 2008, he obtained residency status in Germany but this was revoked in May 2009 after authorities became aware of it. Subsequently, he acquired diplomatic status through Nicaragua. Following the electoral success of Thaksin’s allied party in July 2011, German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle lifted a travel ban against him.

During an interview in November 2009, Thaksin revealed he was residing in Dubai with access to approximately US$100 million held outside Thailand, investing internationally in sectors such as gold mining, diamond polishing, and lottery operations.

Songkran Disturbances

During mid-April 2009, violent demonstrations by supporters of Thaksin, primarily the National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD), resulted in the cancellation of the ASEAN summit scheduled in Pattaya and prompted the declaration of a state of emergency in Bangkok. Thaksin actively encouraged UDD protests through satellite broadcasts and phone-ins, advocating for a "people's revolution," though he later stated that his involvement was limited to providing "moral support." These protests targeted the administration of Abhisit Vejjajiva, demanding Thaksin's return without facing corruption allegations.

Allegations of Money Laundering

In April 2009, Privy Councilor General Pichitr Kullavanijaya conveyed claims made by former US ambassador Ralph L. Boyce that Thaksin had laundered 100 billion baht (equivalent to US$2.8 billion) via accounts in the Cayman Islands to finance protests. Boyce refuted these accusations, asserting he possessed no such knowledge or information.

Role as Economic Advisor to Cambodia

On 4 November 2009, Thaksin was designated as a special advisor to the Cambodian government and Prime Minister Hun Sen, with Cambodia refusing extradition requests on grounds of political persecution. This development led both nations to recall their ambassadors on 5 November 2009, marking a notable escalation in diplomatic tensions. Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva condemned Cambodia's actions as interference and announced a comprehensive review of bilateral agreements. Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An defended the appointment as an internal matter consistent with international norms.

Espionage Allegations

On 11 November 2009, Sivarak Chutipong, a Thai engineer employed by Cambodia Air Traffic Service, was detained by Cambodian authorities for allegedly transmitting confidential flight plans involving Thaksin and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to Kamrob Palawatwichai, First Secretary at the Royal Thai Embassy in Cambodia. Sivarak denied espionage charges, while the Thai government asserted its innocence and suggested the incident was part of a Thaksin-Cambodian scheme aimed at damaging bilateral relations. Subsequently, Kamrob was expelled from Cambodia. Sivarak requested Kamrob to publicly defend him; however, Kamrob remained silent. Kasit's secretary confirmed no wrongdoing occurred but refrained from issuing an official statement on Kamrob’s behalf.

Sivarak received a seven-year prison sentence. Following Thaksin’s appeal for clemency, King Norodom Sihamoni granted a pardon resulting in Sivarak’s release and expulsion from Cambodia. Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban accused Sivarak of orchestrating his own arrest to undermine the Abhisit administration. Former intelligence chief and Foreign Minister Prasong Soonsiri concurred, describing the case as a deliberate setup from its inception.

Before the Verdict

On 26 February 2010, Thailand’s Supreme Court prepared to rule on the confiscation of Thaksin’s assets within the country, valued at 76 billion baht and frozen by the Assets Examination Committee (AEC) following the military coup under Announcement No. 30 issued by the junta. Security forces were extensively deployed across Bangkok amid heightened tensions; however, the UDD denied intentions to hold demonstrations on the day of the ruling. The panel of nine Supreme Court judges was tasked with determining whether Thaksin had amassed illicit wealth through policy corruption—defined as exploiting authority by enacting lawful economic policies that disproportionately advantaged companies partially owned by him. Prosecutors charged that Thaksin had abused his position on five separate occasions during his tenure as prime minister.

The verdict

The court determined that the actual proprietors of the assets were Thaksin and Potjaman, not their offspring or other relatives, and affirmed its jurisdiction to confiscate assets under junta directives. Thaksin was convicted on four out of five corruption charges, resulting in the seizure of 46 billion baht and freezing of 30 billion baht.

Count 1: Conversion of telecom concession fees into excise taxes. Previously, telecom companies paid TOT/CAT a percentage of revenue as concession fees. The Thaksin administration replaced this system with an excise tax remitted directly to the government, which was ultimately passed on to consumers. The court concluded this arrangement advantaged AIS while disadvantaging TOT, constituting an abuse of authority.
Count 2: Alteration of revenue sharing for prepaid mobile services. AIS negotiated a reduced revenue share payment to TOT for prepaid services, causing estimated losses of 14.2 billion baht (2001–2006) and 56 billion baht (2006–2015). Although TOT’s overall revenue increased, the court found that the agreement negatively impacted TOT’s postpaid income and favored AIS.
Count 3: Changes to mobile roaming agreements permitted subscribers to access other networks, decreasing income for TOT and CAT while benefiting operators. The court ruled this favored AIS’s new owners (Temasek Holdings) rather than Thaksin personally, so it did not constitute abuse of power.
Count 4: Substitution of ThaiCom 4 satellite with iPSTAR. ShinSat shifted from deploying a backup satellite (ThaiCom 4) to launching iPSTAR, which offered greater commercial prospects but diminished Thailand’s communication security due to lack of equivalent backup capability. ShinSat ownership by Shin Corp decreased from 51% to 40%. The court noted that this maneuver circumvented competitive bidding for concessions.
Count 5: EXIM Bank loan facilitating Myanmar’s purchase of ThaiCom services. A loan allowed Myanmar to acquire satellite services from ShinSat during trade negotiations. While other firms also benefited from EXIM loans, the court deemed this preferential treatment toward Thaksin an abuse of power.

The court ordered confiscation of 46 billion baht corresponding to differences in Shin Corp share value from when Thaksin assumed office until the sale to Temasek in early 2006. Thaksin had declared assets around 500 million baht; Potjaman held between 8 and 9 billion baht during his tenure as prime minister. Shin shares appreciated by 121% over that period compared with a 128% gain in the SET index and a 717% increase by Siam Cement. The court found no wrongdoing by Thaksin and disregarded any government gains from his policies, despite an estimated 100 billion baht rise in revenue resulting solely from concession adjustments.

Aftermath

In a message sent to supporters, Thaksin asserted that the judiciary was exploited as a political instrument and emphasized that the Thai stock market’s growth benefited numerous companies beyond his own. He maintained that all accusations were politically driven, expressed gratitude toward supporters for avoiding protests during the verdict announcement, and called for peaceful reactions going forward. Pojaman na Pombejra stated that substantial sums—tens of billions of baht—had been transferred to her children and relatives prior to Thaksin’s assumption of office in 2001 and denied that her family acted as nominees. She also refuted claims that she controlled Ample Rich and Win Mark, companies accused by the AEC as being under her control. Nevertheless, Thaksin was the authorized signatory for Ample Rich until 2005, making him the sole individual authorized to withdraw funds until he delegated authority to his children four years after taking office.

A small demonstration by some UDD members took place outside the court but did not interfere with the ruling as expected. UDD leaders announced intentions for a large-scale protest scheduled for 14 March 2010.

On the evening of 27 February, M67 grenades were thrown from a motorcycle near three Bangkok Bank branches. No injuries were reported, and no group claimed responsibility. Both Thaksin and the UDD promptly denied involvement. An arrest warrant was issued based on sketches depicting the motorcycle driver.

Share Transfers of Shin Corp.

The prime minister is legally barred from engaging in private business activities during their term. Throughout his time in office, Thaksin encountered allegations related to hiding assets. Questions about discrepancies in his declared wealth emerged before the official submission.

Transfers to Household Staff

Thaksin faced accusations of unlawfully concealing assets worth billions of baht by transferring Shin Corp. shares to his personal drivers and maids without their consent. He maintained that this was an unintentional error, and the Constitutional Court eventually cleared him of wrongdoing.

Transfers to Adult Children

Further controversy arose over the transfer of Shin Corporation shares from Thaksin and Potjaman to their adult children, Panthongtae and Pinthongta Shinawatra, who were suspected of serving as nominees.

The transaction involving Panthongtae was claimed to be fictitious, with no genuine payment made. Panthongtae asserted that he purchased the shares at cost price, supported by a written contract with Thaksin. Prior to this, Panthongtae had agreed to repay a 4.5 billion baht liability incurred from acquiring 300 million shares of Thai Military Bank (TMB), although the market value was only 1.5 billion baht—suggesting a fabricated debt of 3 billion baht. The Assets Examination Committee (AEC) discovered that dividends credited to Panthongtae’s account from Shin Corporation were partially transferred to Potjaman’s account, amounting to 1.1 billion baht.

Pinthongta was similarly implicated as a nominee. She explained that funds received from her mother were a “birthday gift,” which she used to purchase 367 million Shin Corp shares, mirroring her brother’s stake. The AEC observed that dividends credited to her account were utilized to acquire SC Asset shares from WinMark (valued at 71 million baht) and investments in five real estate companies through two funds totaling 485 million baht in 2004.

Investigations conducted by the DSI, AEC, and the Securities and Exchange Commission revealed that WinMark and these two funds are owned by Thaksin and his ex-wife.

Return to Thailand in 2023

In anticipation of the 2023 general election, Thaksin declared his intention to return to Thailand after spending 15 years in voluntary exile, expressing readiness to serve any prison sentences in order to reunite with his family. Following multiple postponements during government formation negotiations, he arrived on 22 August, coinciding with the prime ministerial vote for Pheu Thai candidate Srettha Thavisin. Upon arrival, Thaksin was promptly taken into custody by the Supreme Court and transferred to Bangkok Remand Prison to begin serving an eight-year sentence. Observers interpreted his return as part of a political arrangement that included military-aligned parties joining the coalition government.

On 1 September, King Vajiralongkorn reduced Thaksin’s prison term from eight years down to one year after a formal royal pardon request was submitted. On 13 February 2024, Justice Minister Tawee Sodsong announced that Thaksin was among 930 inmates granted parole based on age and health grounds. After spending six months hospitalized in Bangkok, he was released on parole on 18 February and returned home accompanied by his daughters Paetongtarn Shinawatra and Pintongta. On 14 March, he made his first public appearance since release at the City Pillar Shrine in Bangkok before traveling onward to Chiang Mai Province.

In May 2024, the Attorney-General filed lèse-majesté charges against Thaksin concerning remarks he made during a 2015 interview with South Korean media while living abroad. On 14 June, additional royal defamation charges were brought against him. Nevertheless, on 17 August, Thaksin received a royal pardon commemorating King Vajiralongkorn’s birthday.

On 23 February 2025, Thaksin issued a public apology regarding the Tak Bai incident.

Domestic honours

Thaksin Shinawatra's national awards are conferred according to Thailand's established order of precedence.

- 1996 – Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
- 1995 – Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
- 2001 – Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Admirable Order of the Direkgunabhorn
- 2002 – Knight Grand Commander of the Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao
- 2003 – Boy Scout Citation Medal of Vajira, First Class

Withdrawal

Following his 2008 conviction on corruption charges and subsequent self-imposed exile, Thaksin’s royal decorations were officially rescinded in 2019 through a royal decree.

International honours

Grand Cross of the Royal Order of Sahametrei (2001)

Member 1st Class of the King Hamad Order of the Renaissance (2002)

First Class of the Most Blessed Order of Loyalty to the State of Brunei (2002)

Commander Grand Cross of the Royal Order of the Polar Star (2003)

Grand Cross of the Order of Orange-Nassau (2004)

Grand Cross of the Order of the Sun of Peru (2004)

Academic appointments

2007 – Appointed Visiting Professor at Takushoku University, Tokyo

Distinctions and awards

ASEAN Businessman of the Year, awarded by ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (1992)
Telecommunication Development for Social Welfare Award, presented by Telecommunication Society of Thailand (1993)
Outstanding Telecom Man of the Year, Singapore Business Times (1993)
Asian CEO of the Year
Honorary Doctorate in Communication Arts from Thammasart University
Recipient of Lee Kuan Yew Exchange Fellowship, Singapore
Featured among Time magazine's 50 Most Influential People worldwide
Distinguished Alumni and Outstanding Criminal Justice Alumnus Awards from Sam Houston State University
Honorary recognition from Mass Media Photographer Association of Thailand
International Forgiveness Award (2004)
Honorary doctorate conferred by Plekhanov Russian Academy of Economics
ABLF Statesman Award (2012)

External links

Official site
Thaksin Shinawatra Interview—Arabian Business
Thaksin interview with Radio France Internationale/France 24 TV
News and commentary at Asian Correspondent
News and commentary at Breaking Legal News
High tension in Thailand—chronology during political crisis