William Fitzwilliam, 4th Earl Fitzwilliam

William Wentworth-Fitzwilliam, 4th Earl Fitzwilliam
Born	Template:Birth date
Died	February 8, 1833(1833-02-08) (aged 84)
Occupation(s)	Politician, Landowner
Known for	British Whig politician, leader of Whigs in House of Lords, prominent coal proprietor

William Wentworth-Fitzwilliam, 4th Earl Fitzwilliam (30 May 1748 – 8 February 1833), known as Viscount Milton until 1756, was a prominent British Whig politician active during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Inheriting the estates of his uncle Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquess of Rockingham in 1782, he became one of the wealthiest landowners in Britain. He remained a significant figure in Whig politics through to the 1820s.

Early life (1748–1782)

Fitzwilliam was born to William Fitzwilliam, 3rd Earl Fitzwilliam and Lady Anne Watson-Wentworth, daughter of Thomas Watson-Wentworth, 1st Marquess of Rockingham. His maternal uncle was Prime Minister Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquess of Rockingham. At the age of eight in 1756, he succeeded to the earldoms. Educated at Eton College, he formed friendships with influential Whigs such as Charles James Fox and Lord Morpeth. His tutor commended his "exceeding good understanding" and character.

In October 1764, Fitzwilliam embarked on an extensive grand tour throughout Europe, collecting artworks under the guidance of Sir Horace Mann and William Hamilton. Upon returning to England in 1769, he brought with him distinguished paintings including pieces by Canaletto and artists from the Bolognese School.

His estates initially yielded approximately £6,900 annually but were encumbered by debts amounting to £45,000. He resolved these liabilities by selling properties in Norfolk for £60,000.

After taking his seat in the House of Lords, Fitzwilliam actively opposed government measures during Lord North’s administration. He supported figures like John Wilkes and sympathized with the grievances of the American colonies. Aligning with Lord Rockingham’s leadership, he sought to uphold influence through opposition declarations.

Following his uncle’s death in 1782, Fitzwilliam inherited Wentworth Woodhouse, the largest mansion in Britain, along with vast estates spanning Britain and Ireland that generated an annual income of £60,000. His coal mining operations grew significantly, with profits rising from £1,480 in 1780 to more than £22,500 by 1825; coal production surpassed 122,000 tons by 1823—establishing him as a foremost coal proprietor.

As a landlord, Fitzwilliam demonstrated benevolence by reducing rents during difficult times, forgiving arrears, supplying affordable food and fuel to impoverished communities, and supporting friendly societies as well as savings banks to encourage self-sufficiency. His charitable activities were recognized for their generosity and discretion.

He also engaged in rural pursuits such as hunting and horse breeding, maintaining a notable social presence highlighted by his large retinue at Doncaster race meetings.

In local governance, he was appointed deputy lieutenant of Northamptonshire on 18 February 1793.

Early political career (1782–1789)

Fitzwilliam succeeded his uncle as leader among the Whigs. Encouraged by Edmund Burke and Charles James Fox to continue Lord Rockingham’s political legacy, he began participating actively in House of Lords debates from December 1782. He criticized Lord Shelburne’s concessions on American independence and supported the Fox-North coalition. Although offered the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland and a Marquessate of Rockingham, he declined both honors.

On 30 June 1783, Fitzwilliam made his first speech opposing William Pitt the Younger’s Bill concerning reforms to public offices. He was intended to lead the India Board under the proposed India Bill administration; however, after its failure and Pitt’s rise to prime ministership, Fitzwilliam moved into opposition. He denounced Pitt’s ambition and use of "secret influence," advocating for reinstating former ministers to restore effective governance.

Assuming leadership of Whigs in the Lords from February 1784, Fitzwilliam criticized Pitt’s youthfulness and lack of accomplishments despite Pitt securing a substantial majority in that year’s election. He refused Lord Shelburne’s offer to become Lord Lieutenant of West Riding of Yorkshire on grounds of principle. Serving as deputy to the Duke of Portland, he became a central Whig figure and frequent parliamentary orator.

In July 1785, Fitzwilliam condemned Pitt’s trade policies toward Ireland as harmful to both nations, focusing on constitutional issues rather than purely economic concerns. In 1786 he opened parliamentary discussions praising Irish prudence; in 1787 he opposed trade with Portugal due to its adverse effects on Yorkshire manufacturers.

A significant portrait painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds in 1785 reflected Fitzwilliam’s political challenges following Rockingham’s death alongside his extensive estate responsibilities. As an aristocrat of the eighteenth century, he prioritized local leadership roles and estate management over national political ambitions.

In April 1788, Fitzwilliam supported Whig efforts to impeach Warren Hastings for mismanagement in India, underscoring Parliament’s duty to enforce accountability despite political setbacks.

During the Regency Crisis (1788–89), Fitzwilliam opposed debates concerning the Prince of Wales’ regency rights, cautioning that such discussions threatened constitutional stability. He condemned proposals limiting regental authority as unconstitutional. Had Portland formed an administration under the Prince Regent, Fitzwilliam would have been appointed First Lord of the Admiralty; however, this prospect ended when King George III recovered.

Toward late 1789, Fitzwilliam hosted a grand festival at Wentworth House attended by the Prince of Wales and Duke of York along with some 40,000 guests—demonstrating his influence and leadership locally. The event was widely praised for its hospitality and scale.

For the general election in 1790, Fitzwilliam contributed £20,000 toward the Whigs’ campaign fund supporting their revival efforts in Yorkshire.

Disintegration of the Whig party (1790–1794)

During the Whig party's internal conflict over the French Revolution, Fitzwilliam aligned himself with Edmund Burke rather than Fox or Richard Brinsley Sheridan. Nonetheless, he endeavored to prevent a party rupture and preserve his friendship with Fox, the Commons leader. Richard Burke, Edmund's son, acted as Fitzwilliam’s agent in London and corresponded with him to sway Fox against Sheridan; however, Fitzwilliam's attempts failed to alter Fox’s position. While Fitzwilliam privately admired Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France, he refrained from publicly endorsing it.

Fitzwilliam backed Fox’s repeal of the Test Act, which barred Dissenters from holding office, recognizing that opposition was often rooted more in tradition than practical consequences. He regarded Dissenters’ complaints as a political bargaining chip whose removal might diminish their leverage.

Opposing the government's inclination toward war with Russia in 1791, Fitzwilliam criticized Pitt’s broad military authority and contended that such a conflict would harm Britain’s interests. Pitt considered forming a coalition with moderate Whigs, possibly including Fitzwilliam as Lord President of the council.

When Burke severed ties with Fox over the Revolution, Fitzwilliam offered financial assistance to Burke, who declined it, emphasizing their differing public principles but preserving private friendship. Fitzwilliam’s perspectives increasingly mirrored Burke’s conservative views, commending Burke’s writings and advocating resistance to radical political ideas without supporting figures like Paine or Priestley.

By 1792, the rise of Jacobinism among Sheffield manufacturers concerned Fitzwilliam, prompting him to take protective measures for his estate. He and Fox discussed their worries about revolutionary ideology spreading; although both opposed extremism, they disagreed on which threat warranted greater concern.

Fitzwilliam aimed to reconcile Burke and Fox but acknowledged the profound divisions fracturing the Whig party. The establishment of the Society of the Friends of the People in 1792, promoting parliamentary reform, exacerbated factional tensions. Fitzwilliam perceived these reform groups as gaining influence yet posing dangers by promoting revolutionary principles that could destabilize civil order.

In 1792, Pitt explored coalition options with Portland Whigs such as Fitzwilliam; however, both Fitzwilliam and Fox rejected these overtures due to insufficient roles offered. At gatherings like Burlington House, Fitzwilliam voiced apprehension about reformist organizations and advocated backing government policies aimed at reinforcing national stability. He criticized Fox’s associations with more radical figures and expressed skepticism regarding Sheridan’s political dependability.

Despite reservations about Fox’s behavior, Fitzwilliam remained loyal to their alliance but admitted internal struggles over the party’s direction. Following the September Massacres in Paris, public sentiment turned decisively against France; Fitzwilliam observed this shift while warning about revolutionary ideologies infiltrating Britain.

Fitzwilliam denounced efforts by reform societies to divide the Whigs and cautioned that France’s revolutionary doctrines threatened not only through military invasion but also via ideological spread. He sought to balance opposition to radicalism while upholding constitutional governance.

With tensions rising after events like the Battle of Valmy, Fitzwilliam supported government military action against France but criticized Pitt’s militia mobilization and found Fox’s republican leanings provocative. He resisted conservative calls to abandon Fox and supported Duke of Portland’s efforts to maintain party unity amid conservative Whig resignations.

By early 1793, Fitzwilliam identified three factions within the Whigs: revolution sympathizers; conservatives endorsing government war policies; and moderates like himself who opposed French revolutionary principles but favored cautious government intervention. He attributed deepening divisions largely to reform societies.

Fitzwilliam refused financial backing for republican newspapers and declined political alignment with groups advocating radical opposition. He maintained that peace and security required France’s return to monarchy. Despite disagreements over war and reform, he contributed significantly to a public fund settling Fox’s debts.

In letters exchanged with Richard Burke, Fitzwilliam admitted fundamental political differences with Edmund Burke despite mutual respect. A stern reproach from Burke deeply affected him but did not bridge their ideological gap; Burke continued declining his financial aid.

Fox expressed appreciation for Fitzwilliam’s steadfast support amid political upheaval, emphasizing their enduring personal friendship despite public disputes.

Fitzwilliam influenced Duke of Portland against joining a coalition under Pitt unless Whigs obtained equal power and Pitt stepped down as prime minister. He criticized Pitt for not advocating restoration of the Bourbon monarchy as a war aim.

Following British defeats such as Toulon in late 1793, Portland publicly endorsed government war efforts, signaling a shift among leading Whigs toward supporting administration policies—a development seen by Fox as distancing him from party leadership.

In early 1794 debates concerning peace proposals, Fitzwilliam opposed concessions to France without fundamental reforms ensuring security. He supported intervention in French internal affairs until stable governance was secured and endorsed restoring monarchy as a means to reestablish order.

Fitzwilliam backed measures like the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act 1794, aligning with prevailing public sentiment favoring national security during wartime difficulties.

Establishment of the Pitt–Portland Alliance (May–July 1794)

By June 1794, the Portland Whigs were nearing agreement on forming a coalition government, dependent on Fitzwilliam’s endorsement. On 25 May, the Duke of Portland conveyed to Fitzwilliam that Pitt aimed to create a coalition united against Jacobinism but had limited Cabinet vacancies at that time. Fitzwilliam postponed commitment until Pitt provided clearer details regarding Whig appointments. Portland emphasized he could not advance without Fitzwilliam’s support; meanwhile, Fitzwilliam demanded an explicit assurance from Pitt that the primary war objective remained the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy in France. He also voiced concerns about Pitt’s initial ascent to power in 1783, viewing it as detrimental to Whig principles.

On 18 June, Pitt reassured Portland that reinstating the Bourbon crown was the ministry’s chief priority and expressed a wish to discuss this matter directly with Fitzwilliam. By 23 June, Fitzwilliam recognized a movement toward Whig policies and was willing to back a coalition, provided significant political influence and patronage were reinstated to the Old Whigs after years of exclusion. He refused all office offers except an Irish position, which he regarded as unattainable. The Duke of Portland and Lord Mansfield encouraged him to accept office; Mansfield persuaded Fitzwilliam that this was a pivotal moment for his participation.

On 1 July, Pitt proposed Fitzwilliam the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland once Lord Westmoreland was compensated. Fitzwilliam consented on 3 July to serve temporarily as Lord President of the Council, prioritizing public duty over personal preference.

Despite his appointment, on 11 July Fitzwilliam expressed hesitation about joining a government alongside former adversaries and being distanced from close allies. Fox maintained personal loyalty despite political disagreements, sending warm correspondence to Fitzwilliam shortly before his appointment.

Nevertheless, by 18 August Fox admitted difficulty reconciling Fitzwilliam’s political choices with his long-established character and voiced disdain toward others who had mistreated him.

Edmund Burke welcomed the coalition; he informed Fitzwilliam on 21 June of his intention to resign from the Commons. Fitzwilliam offered Burke’s Malton seat to his son Richard, who accepted.

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1794–1795)

Fitzwilliam viewed the coalition not only as backing Pitt but as a campaign against Jacobinism, believing that Ireland’s Protestant Ascendancy alienated Catholics and risked pushing them toward Jacobin sympathies and French invasion. His aim was to reconcile Catholics with British rule through Catholic Emancipation and dismantling the Protestant Ascendancy.

Upon accepting the Lord Lieutenancy on 10 August, Fitzwilliam engaged with leading Irish Whigs such as Ponsonby and Grattan, stressing reform efforts to restore government honor and effectiveness contingent upon their cooperation. He insisted on full authority over appointments and policies, refusing to continue Westmorland’s administration or retain Chancellor FitzGibbon without autonomy.

A November meeting with Pitt and Grenville left Catholic Emancipation ambiguous: Fitzwilliam believed the government would not oppose it if enacted; Grenville understood it as an instruction to avoid agitation absent further orders. Despite reservations, Fitzwilliam accepted office with endorsement from Grattan and Ponsonby.

Arriving in Ireland in January 1795, Fitzwilliam reported widespread unrest tied to Defenderism and ineffective governance. He regarded the violence as criminal rather than political but emphasized Catholic Emancipation as crucial for lawfulness and loyalty. He made significant appointments—offering key church positions and Trinity College provostship to Catholics—and dismissed prominent Ascendancy figures such as John Beresford from revenue offices with pensions.

Although initially expecting Cabinet support, King George opposed Emancipation as a fundamental threat to Protestant interests. In February, the Cabinet resolved to delay any Emancipation Bill. Fitzwilliam advocated forming a yeomanry led by Catholic gentry to stabilize Ireland and lessen dependence on British troops.

Supporters of the Ascendancy were alarmed by Fitzwilliam’s reforms; Pitt criticized Beresford’s removal as unauthorized and contradictory to prior agreements. Fitzwilliam defended these actions as essential for national security amid substantial Catholic discontent and warned that refusal to back his policies should result in his recall.

The Duke of Portland communicated Cabinet apprehensions that Emancipation endangered Ireland’s constitutional framework and ecclesiastical establishment, urging Fitzwilliam to halt progress on the Bill. On 20 February Portland informed Fitzwilliam that his recall was necessary to maintain government stability:

"...the true interest of government...requires that you should not continue to administer that of Ireland...the inordinate desire of George Ponsonby [is your downfall]...I write...impelled by friendship...and duty."

The official recall arrived on 23 February accompanied by private appeals from Portland and others for Fitzwilliam to rejoin Cabinet roles—offers he declined. He expressed regret over the break with Portland in correspondence:

"Either I have been...unfaithful servant...or he has abandoned...his friend...for pursuing measures he once recommended."

In March Fitzwilliam asserted that his dismissal resulted from conflict over Beresford’s removal rather than Emancipation; Pitt used Emancipation as a pretext to terminate Whig governance in Ireland and reinstate Ascendancy dominance.

Leaving Ireland on 25 March amid public mourning and unified opposition support, Fitzwilliam’s published letters defending his administration sparked controversy though he remained steadfast regarding his estrangement from Portland.

He prepared a memorial addressed to the King outlining his justification; while graciously received by the monarch, no judgment was rendered.

In April Fitzwilliam requested a parliamentary inquiry into his recall; however, the government declined citing royal prerogative despite widespread respect for his integrity.

Beresford challenged personal accusations made against him; Fitzwilliam agreed to meet but their planned duel was interrupted by authorities leading instead to an apology and reconciliation. Burke commended Fitzwilliam’s honor following this episode.

Opposition (1795–1806)

Fitzwilliam adopted an independent political position, distancing himself from both the Pitt–Portland coalition and the Fox faction, declaring in 1795 that he was "unconnected with any political party." During 1794–95, he commanded the West Riding yeomanry cavalry to quell protests deemed Jacobin threats, personally leading forces during unrest in Rotherham and Sheffield. After a violent outbreak in Sheffield in August 1795, he commended the Volunteers for their role in upholding law and order.

He denounced the Foxites for endorsing what he called "the most desperate system of universal subversion," expressing deep mistrust of their motives, while also opposing government peace negotiations with France’s Directory later that year. Fitzwilliam delivered a significant speech condemning the war as a necessary defense against revolutionary turmoil threatening religion, property, and societal stability. He backed restrictive legislation such as the Seditious Meetings Act but feared that peace with France would allow Jacobin ideology to proliferate unchecked.

By 1796, Fitzwilliam publicly supported government initiatives aimed at protecting monarchy and aristocracy from radicalism, yet he refused to align formally with either the ministry or opposition. Remaining a prominent Burkean figure, he offered parliamentary seats to allies resisting reform and innovation. Although disillusioned with both Pitt and Fox, he remained prepared to challenge Pitt’s authority when opportunities arose.

In October 1796, Fitzwilliam stood alone in Parliament opposing Lord Malmesbury's peace mission to France, arguing that peace with revolutionary France was dishonorable and unattainable without restoring the ancien régime. This position earned him public admiration and brought him closer to Foxite opposition on foreign affairs. Nevertheless, he continued to criticize government excesses, including Pitt’s unauthorized loan to the Holy Roman Emperor.

Fitzwilliam advocated reform of executive abuses while warning against radical constitutional changes. In 1797, he proposed reforms for Ireland—such as Catholic Emancipation and removal of anti-Catholic officials—to reduce rebellion risks; however, these proposals were decisively rejected. He described his political stance as isolated, aligning fully with neither government nor opposition.

After Burke’s death in 1797, Fitzwilliam reaffirmed his independent path. By early 1798, his primary objection to Foxites was their support for parliamentary reform, which he believed would "frenchify" Britain. He accepted the Lord Lieutenancy of West Riding of Yorkshire directly from the King rather than through government channels.

The Irish Rebellion of 1798 strengthened Fitzwilliam’s conviction that systemic reforms were essential in Ireland. He voted alongside Foxites against the Act of Union (1801), arguing it could only be enforced by coercion and should not precede Catholic Emancipation. Although generally aligned with Fox on foreign policy matters, Fitzwilliam diverged regarding peace with France, favoring continued conflict until terms reinstated the pre-war status quo.

By 1801 Fitzwilliam rejoined the Foxite opposition after six years of independence; parliamentary reform remained their sole point of contention. Following Pitt’s resignation in 1801 and Addington’s rise as Premier, Fitzwilliam sought collaboration on Emancipation but dismissed Addington’s leadership as a "joke." He opposed Addington’s peace treaty with France as humiliating and perilous, warning it risked spreading revolutionary ideals within Britain.

During the renewed hostilities beginning in 1803, Fitzwilliam expressed concern over Napoleon’s territorial ambitions but advocated for well-disciplined volunteer forces under reliable commanders rather than indiscriminate civilian armament. He welcomed efforts toward political unity among Pitt, Fox, and Windham for national security purposes.

In 1804 proposals surfaced for a coalition government with Fitzwilliam as nominal prime minister; he declined Pitt’s offer of Foreign Secretary since Fox was excluded. After Pitt’s death in 1806, Fitzwilliam emerged as a potential prime minister candidate and supported the Grenville-Fox administration. At Fox’s urging, he accepted the Lord Presidency of the Council but retained his West Riding lieutenancy despite suggestions to resign it.

Throughout this period, Fitzwilliam upheld a principled approach emphasizing constitutional stability, cautious reform—particularly concerning Ireland and Catholic rights—firm resistance to revolutionary France under Jacobin influence, and skepticism toward both major political factions unless they aligned with his core Burkean principles.

Ministry of All the Talents (1806–1807)

During the tenure of the Ministry of All the Talents, Fitzwilliam adopted a more background role, delegating policy execution to trusted colleagues. While he disagreed with Fox on the abolition of the slave trade, he refrained from obstructing its passage through Parliament and expressed measured endorsement in the House of Lords on 24 June 1806. Following Fox’s death in September, Fitzwilliam offered to resign so that Lord Holland could assume the position of Lord Privy Seal; however, he retained a Cabinet seat as Minister without Portfolio, a role Lord Grenville deemed critically significant.

The Cabinet considered bestowing upon Fitzwilliam the title Marquess of Rockingham, with Grey commenting that it would pay tribute to the shared values first championed by Rockingham and Fox. Fitzwilliam declined this honor, explaining that reviving the marquessate after a 24-year hiatus would not appropriately commemorate Rockingham’s legacy and might diminish the dignity of the title given the current peerage.

In December, amid unrest in Ireland, Fitzwilliam cautioned Grey that successive governments had lost Irish trust and feared their own administration would suffer similarly, warning that any delay in addressing issues would be futile. When the Cabinet’s proposals for Catholic Emancipation were rejected and the King insisted they never revisit the matter, they resisted this demand, resulting in the government's collapse. Although Lord Grenville offered Fitzwilliam the Garter on 1 January 1807, royal approval was withheld.

Later life (1807–1833)

Fitzwilliam continued as a prominent Whig figure in opposition but gradually diminished his active political engagement. During debates over the Regency Bill in 1811, speculation arose that the Prince of Wales might appoint either Fitzwilliam or Lord Holland as prime minister.

He initially supported the Seditious Meetings Act 1817 as a temporary measure but opposed extending the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act 1817, having visited West Riding and concluded that existing legal powers were adequate. When authorities discovered plans for an uprising in northern industrial regions, Fitzwilliam endorsed arrests and supported suspending habeas corpus to prevent disorder, though he later acknowledged that government agents had instigated unrest and believed only a small faction was inclined toward disturbance.

After the Peterloo Massacre in 1819, Fitzwilliam adopted a cautious approach, stressing impartial investigation while warning against military intervention in civilian affairs. His protests led to his removal as Lord Lieutenant of West Riding in October 1819, widely interpreted as a political reprimand by the government. Nonetheless, figures such as Lord Holland and J. R. G. Graham commended his defense of constitutional liberties.

In late 1819, Fitzwilliam opposed several of the government's "Six Acts" which restricted public assembly and press freedoms but supported the Training Prevention Act. His balanced reaction to Peterloo solidified his standing among moderate Whigs, although he remained resistant to parliamentary reform.

Correspondence with Lord Grey between 1820 and 1821 reveals Fitzwilliam’s steadfast opposition to parliamentary reform, which he regarded as perilous and likely to provoke instability or authoritarian rule. Despite his son Lord Milton urging him to endorse reform to enhance Whig influence, Fitzwilliam feared it would erode social hierarchy and aristocratic duties.

In 1824, he criticized repressive policies in Ireland and advocated for Catholic Emancipation, warning that continued suppression could provoke rebellion and weaken British authority. Although invited to serve as honorary director of a proposed Royal Hibernian General Railroad Company, he opposed it due to concerns about London financiers exerting control over Irish lands.

Following Lord Liverpool’s resignation and George Canning’s brief premiership in 1827, Fitzwilliam welcomed the removal of staunch anti-Catholics and cautiously supported Canning’s government. He advised against one of his MPs accepting Attorney-General without assurances on emancipation but later accepted Scarlett's appointment himself. After Canning’s death and the Duke of Wellington’s accession in 1828, Fitzwilliam reaffirmed his dedication to traditional Whig ideals.

Lord Milton intended to retire from Parliament prior to inheriting his father’s peerage, with local supporters recognizing their commitment to liberal values during challenging times.

Although Whigs returned to power under Lord Grey in 1830, Fitzwilliam had effectively withdrawn from public affairs and declined active involvement. When requested to back the Reform Bill in 1831, his son reported that Fitzwilliam remained opposed, viewing it as a radical break from tradition despite generally supporting the administration.

Legacy

Lord Holland, Henry Vassall-Fox, 3rd Baron Holland, offered the following reflection on Fitzwilliam:

Though possessing limited talents and fewer formal accomplishments, he stood among the most influential figures in the nation. His example demonstrated that in critical moments, integrity and bravery often surpass cunning or intellect. His significance extended beyond his ties to Lord Rockingham or his substantial wealth; it arose from his inherent kindness, generosity, and the unique combination of gentleness and valor that characterized him. Such a blend of purity, boldness, magnanimity, resolve, and compassion in a nobleman won widespread admiration and trust; Lord Fitzwilliam was esteemed for these virtues even more than many who excelled in knowledge or practical affairs.

Family

In 1770, Lord Fitzwilliam wedded Lady Charlotte, daughter of William Ponsonby, 2nd Earl of Bessborough. Following her passing in 1822, he remarried in 1823 to the Honorable Louisa, daughter of Richard Molesworth, 3rd Viscount Molesworth, who was also the widow of William Ponsonby, 1st Baron Ponsonby. She died in February 1824. Lord Fitzwilliam himself passed away in February 1833 at the age of 84. His eldest son from his first marriage, Charles Fitzwilliam, succeeded him as the 5th Earl Fitzwilliam.

References

• Charles Abbot, 2nd Baron Colchester (ed.), The Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord Colchester. Speaker of the House of Commons 1802–1817. Volume II (London: John Murray, 1861).
• William Beresford (ed.), The Correspondence of The Right Honourable John Beresford. Volume II (London: Woodfall and Kinder, 1854).
• Edward Gibson, Lord Ashbourne, Pitt: Some Chapters of His Life and Times (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1898).
• Henry Grattan, Memoirs of the Life and Times of the Rt. Hon. Henry Grattan. Volume IV (London: Henry Colburn, 1842).
• James Harris, 3rd Earl of Malmesbury (ed.), Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, First Earl of Malmesbury. Volume II (London: Richard Bentley, 1844).
• Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of the Earl of Carlisle, preserved at Castle Howard (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1897).
• Ross J. S. Hoffman, The Marquis. A Study of Lord Rockingham, 1730–1782 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1973).
• Sir Herbert Maxwell (ed.), The Creevey Papers. A Selection from the Correspondence & Diaries of the late Thomas Creevey, M.P. Born 1768 – Died 1838 (London: William Clowes and Sons, Limited, 1904).
• The Countess of Minto, The Life and Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliott, First Earl of Minto. From 1751 to 1806. Volume II (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1874).
• Edmund Phipps, Memoirs of the Political and Literary Life of Robert Plumer Ward. Volume I (London: John Murray, 1850).
• E. A. Smith, Whig Principles and Party Politics. Earl Fitzwilliam and the Whig Party. 1748–1833 (Manchester University Press, 1975).
• Earl Stanhope, The Life of The Right Honourable William Pitt. Volume II (London: John Murray, 1867).
• Lord Stavordale (ed.), Further Memoirs of the Whig Party. 1807–1821. With Some Miscellaneous Reminiscences. By Henry Richard Vassall, Third Lord Holland (London: John Murray, 1905).
• The Correspondence of Edmund Burke:
  • Alfred Cobban and Robert A. Smith (eds.), The Correspondence of Edmund Burke. Volume VI (Cambridge University Press, 1967).
  • P. J. Marshall and John A. Woods (eds.), The Correspondence of Edmund Burke. Volume VII (Cambridge University Press, 1968).
  • R. B. McDowell (ed.), The Correspondence of Edmund Burke. Volume VIII (Cambridge University Press, 1969).
  • R. B. McDowell and John A. Woods (eds.), The Correspondence of Edmund Burke. Volume IX (Cambridge University Press, 1970).
• • Charles William, Earl Fitzwilliam and Sir Richard Bourke (eds.), The Correspondence of The Right Honourable Edmund Burke. Volume IV (London: Francis & John Rivington, 1844).
• D. Wilson, 'Art, inheritance, law and attribution: the rediscovered portrait of Earl Fitzwilliam by Sir Joshua Reynolds', The British Art Journal, Vol. XIII, No. 3 [Winter 2012/13], pp. 32–52 (on Sir Joshua Reynolds's portrait of Earl Fitzwilliam and Fitzwilliam's role as an art collector and patron).

Further reading

• R. B. McDowell, 'The Fitzwilliam affair', Irish Historical Studies, XVI (1966), pp. 115–130.
• Frank O'Gorman, The Whig Party and the French Revolution (Macmillan, 1967).
• E. A. Smith, 'Lord Fitzwilliam’s "grand tour"', History Today, XVII (June 1967), pp. 393–410.
• David Wilkinson, 'Reassessing the Fitzwilliam episode of 1795 and the duke of Portland’s influence', Irish Historical Studies, 29 (1995), pp. 315–39.
• David Wilkinson, 'Origins of the "tory" party and the Pitt–Portland coalition of 1794', History, new ser., 83 (1998), pp. 249–64.
• David Wilkinson, 'Fitzwilliam, William Wentworth, second Earl Fitzwilliam (1748–1833)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004.