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Tommy Suharto

From Alfawiki
Hutomo Mandala Putra
Born
Hutomo Mandala Putra

(1962-07-15) July 15, 1962 (age 64)
Jakarta, Indonesia
Occupation(s)Entrepreneur, political figure
Known forSon of President Suharto; business ventures; political activities; corruption conviction

Hutomo Mandala Putra (born 15 July 1962), commonly referred to as Tommy Suharto, is an Indonesian entrepreneur and political figure, recognized as the youngest offspring of Indonesia's second President, Suharto. He gained notoriety for nepotistic practices and corrupt activities during his father's administration and later became infamous for orchestrating the murder of a judge who had sentenced him for corruption. Sentenced in 2002 to 15 years in prison, he was released on parole in less than four years.

Since 2020, Tommy has been engaged in a leadership conflict with Muchdi Purwopranjono regarding the control of the Berkarya Party.

Early life

Tommy was born in Jakarta as the fifth child of Major-General Suharto and Siti Hartinah (known as "Ibu Tien"). His siblings include Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, Sigit Harjojudanto, Bambang Trihatmodjo, Siti Hediati, and Siti Hutami. His middle name, Mandala, is a reference to the Indonesian military's 1962 Mandala Command aimed at reclaiming West Irian.

At the age of three, Tommy endured serious burns from boiling soup at home, requiring hospitalization. This incident occurred during the 1965 failed coup attempt against his father. After completing junior high school in Jakarta, he briefly pursued agricultural studies in the United States but did not finish before returning to Indonesia to focus on business ventures.

Frequently regarded as his father's favored son, Tommy was noted for his agility and charm, bearing a strong resemblance to Suharto. In his youth, he was known for a lifestyle marked by nightlife and gambling, reportedly losing sums up to $1 million in single gambling sessions.

Business and nepotism

At 22 years old, in 1984, Tommy established the Humpuss Group with an initial capital of $100,000. Within just ten weeks, the group expanded to include 20 subsidiaries and eventually grew to encompass 60 companies. Initially concentrating on energy transportation, particularly liquefied natural gas (LNG), Humpuss rapidly diversified into sectors such as petrochemicals, agriculture, and real estate. Under Tommy Suharto’s direction, the group aggressively broadened its reach into both domestic and international markets. Energy transportation remains a key focus through PT Humpuss Intermoda Transportasi Tbk. Following Suharto’s downfall and Tommy’s departure from political office, many government-supported projects stalled, compelling the company to revise its approach for continued operation.

Oil

In 1985, Tommy acquired a majority stake of 65% in Perta Oil Marketing, a subsidiary of the state-owned oil enterprise Pertamina. Alongside his brother Bambang Trihatmodjo, they reportedly received commissions ranging from $0.30 to $0.35 per barrel. Perta consistently generated monthly profits of around $1 million. There were accusations that Tommy and Bambang applied unofficial surcharges on oil exports and imports, resulting in annual earnings up to $200 million during the 1980s.

Sempati Air

In 1989, Tommy partnered with Suharto ally Bob Hasan to purchase PT Sempati Air Transport from a military-owned firm. The airline was rebranded as Sempati Air and primarily served affluent Indonesians traveling to a gambling resort located on Australia’s Christmas Island; this resort’s principal investor had ties to Tommy’s clove monopoly. The airline ceased operations in 1998 amidst the Asian financial crisis. Investigations following Suharto’s 2000 corruption charges disclosed that Sempati Air had received substantial funding—Rp 17.91 billion from Dakab foundation, Rp 13.17 billion from Supersemar foundation, and Rp 11.168 billion from Dharmais foundation—prompting concerns over potential misappropriation of charitable foundation resources.

Merak Toll Road

In 1989, Tommy established the consortium Marga Mandala Sakti (MMS), which was unsuccessful in securing the contract for Jakarta’s North-South Link toll road, awarded instead to his sister Tutut’s firm. MMS was granted the project to extend the Jakarta-Tangerang expressway by 73 km, connecting it to the heavily trafficked Port of Merak. The toll road construction was carried out by Humpuss between 1992 and 1996. In 1996, Tommy’s concession period was prolonged by an additional decade, extending its validity until 2011. Around late 1996 or early 1997, a group of international investors acquired a controlling interest in MMS for approximately Rp 425 billion (equivalent to $181 million).

Clove Monopoly

Tommy founded the Clove Support and Trading Board (BPPC) in December 1990, establishing a monopoly over clove trading despite objections from cigarette producers. According to Trade Ministry regulations, all domestic cigarette manufacturers were required to source their cloves exclusively from BPPC, which also managed clove imports. Subsequent investigations revealed that Tommy coerced farmers into selling cloves at artificially low prices while selling them to tobacco companies at inflated rates, generating profits at the expense of many farmers who faced bankruptcy. The monopoly was dismantled in 1998 as part of conditions set by the International Monetary Fund during its bailout program.

In July 2007, Tommy was implicated as a suspect in a Rp 175 billion corruption case related to BPPC, accused of misappropriating loan funds intended for purchasing cloves from farmers. He denied any misconduct. The Attorney General's Office dropped the charges in 2008 after he reimbursed the funds.

Golden Key Scandal

During the early 1990s, Tommy acquired shares in one of three petrochemical plants proposed by Golden Key, a Jakarta-based enterprise led by businessman Eddy Tansil. The state-owned bank Bapindo was pressured into issuing sixteen loans totaling $430 million to Tansil for the construction of these plants, despite his lack of experience in petrochemicals and absence of collateral. Bapindo neglected proper credit evaluation, and the plants were never realized, resulting in significant non-performing loans. A 1994 report from Far Eastern Economic Review indicated that Tommy acted as a facilitator introducing Tansil to Bapindo officials. Prior to the scandal’s exposure in 1994, Tommy had divested his shares back to other stakeholders. He was not summoned as a witness during Tansil’s trial; Tansil received a 17-year prison sentence that year but fled Indonesia in 1996. The courts did not address Tommy’s involvement during loan acquisition or his share sale following partial loan disbursement.

Lamborghini

In 1994, Tommy’s Bermuda-based company Megatech, co-owned with Malaysian firm Mycom Setdco, acquired Italian sports car manufacturer Lamborghini from Chrysler Corporation for $40 million. Amid Indonesia's financial crisis in 1998, Megatech sold Lamborghini to Audi AG for $110 million.

Timor National Car

In February 1996, President Suharto introduced Indonesia's "National Car" policy, granting exclusive duty and luxury tax exemptions to one company producing a national vehicle: Tommy Suharto's PT Timor Putra Nasional. This policy drew protests from Japan, the United States, and the European Union at the World Trade Organization over discriminatory treatment. Tommy imported 45,000 fully assembled Kia Sephia vehicles from South Korea and rebranded them as Timor cars.

By July 1997, government-backed banks had extended a $650 million loan to establish a Timor manufacturing plant. Despite the onset of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis halting many large-scale projects, Timor was exempted from suspension measures, reinforcing perceptions of its privileged status. However, IMF-mandated reforms in January 1998 revoked Timor’s tax incentives. During the May 1998 riots that precipitated Suharto’s resignation, Timor showrooms became targets of attacks.

PT Timor Putra Nasional accumulated debts amounting to Rp4.2 trillion owed to the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency. Allegedly supported by Tommy’s Humpuss Group, PT Vista Bella purchased these debts in 2003 for Rp512 billion despite restrictions on transactions involving original owners.

In 2005, the Finance Ministry alongside state-owned Bank Mandiri froze Rp1.3 trillion held in a TPN account as collateral against its Rp4.2 trillion liability. Tommy initiated legal action against both institutions; initially winning at trial in 2006 before the Jakarta High Court reversed this decision in 2007. In August 2008, Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati instructed Bank Mandiri to transfer Rp1.23 trillion (approximately US$134 million) from TPN accounts into a government-controlled fund.

Tommy filed two appeals with Indonesia's Supreme Court; both were dismissed by December 2017. In January 2020, after delays in reporting, authorities declared entitlement to the frozen assets.

Additionally, graft allegations were filed by the Finance Ministry accusing Tommy of illicitly transferring Timor assets to his affiliated companies. Tommy countered with lawsuits seeking US$21.8 million and won a separate civil corruption case worth US$61 million in February 2008, receiving damages amounting to US$550,000.

Bali land controversy

In 1996, Tommy's enterprise PT Pecatu Graha forcibly displaced local villagers in Bali to facilitate the construction of a 650-hectare resort, supported by military and police forces deploying tear gas. Landowners were presented with compensation of 2.5 million rupiah per 100 square meters, significantly lower than the prevailing market value of 20 to 30 million rupiah. Those who opposed the eviction encountered threats, physical violence, and judicial consequences, including imprisonment.

Explosives industry holdings

During the 1990s, Tommy controlled a majority share in PT Bina Reksa Perdana, which held exclusive rights to export explosives manufactured by the state-owned PT Dahana. Collaborating with Singapore-based Chartered Oiltech Services, the company established a production facility in Tasikmalaya, West Java, producing commercial explosives destined for export markets such as Myanmar, Iraq, India, and Australia.

According to Presidential Decrees No. 86/1994 and No. 14/1997, only PT Multi Nitroma Kimia and PT Tridaya Esta—entities associated with Tommy and his brother Bambang Trihatmodjo—were authorized to commercially distribute explosives from Dahana.

Financial crisis impact and indebtedness (1997–1998)

In the aftermath of the 1997–1998 Asian financial crisis, the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA) identified Humpuss Group as the third-largest debtor for non-performing loans from domestic banks, mainly state-owned institutions, amounting to Rp 5.7 trillion in 2001—approximately two and a half times the group’s total sales in 1996. Over fifty percent of this debt was incurred by PT Timor Putra Nasional. The group addressed part of its liabilities by transferring assets to IBRA, while other portions were settled through debt restructuring arrangements and conversions from debt to equity.

Mangkuluhur City development

In 2014, Tommy Soeharto collaborated with entrepreneur Harry Gunawan on Mangkuluhur City, a Jakarta-based project comprising four skyscrapers along with an additional high-rise on Jalan Jenderal Gatot Subroto. The tallest building is planned to reach 80 floors, with two towers designated for office use and two designed for residential and serviced apartments. The complex incorporates the existing Crowne Plaza hotel alongside a Regent Hotel slated for opening in late 2020, offering nightly rates starting at Rp 3.5 million. The venture is overseen by PT Intra GolfLink Resorts (IGR) and its subsidiaries, which manage golf courses and resorts including Palm Hills Golf Club Bogor, New Kuta Golf Ball, Black Rocks Hotel & Golf Belitung, alongside activities in property development and tourism.

Humpuss Junior Racing Team

The Humpuss Junior Racing Team, connected to Tommy Soeharto's business empire, is dedicated to developing young Indonesian drivers for Formula One competition. Darma Mangkuluhur Hutomo, Tommy’s son, plays a leading role in directing the team’s growth initiatives.

Wealth

In 1999, Time magazine estimated Tommy’s net worth at $800 million. By 2016, he was ranked 56th on GlobeAsia’s list of Indonesia’s wealthiest individuals with assets valued at $655 million. That September, Tommy participated in Indonesia’s tax amnesty program designed to offer reduced penalties on previously undisclosed wealth; however, he did not reveal the amount declared publicly, citing that a majority of his holdings are maintained overseas.

Criminal convictions

After Suharto's downfall in 1998, Tommy encountered numerous legal challenges. In April 1999, he and business partner Ricardo Gelael stood trial for an $11 million land fraud case but were initially acquitted. However, in 2000, the Supreme Court reversed this decision, convicting them of corruption and sentencing them to 18 months in prison; Tommy evaded incarceration by going into hiding. Reports emerged suggesting that a judge had declined a bribe from him.

In 2001, Tommy was found guilty of masterminding the murder of judge Syafiuddin Kartasasmita and received a 15-year sentence for charges including homicide, illegal weapons possession, and fleeing justice. Although harsher penalties were possible, prosecutors recommended a 15-year term. Tommy frequently failed to appear in court due to claimed health issues, while his supporters assembled outside during verdict announcements.

Initially, he was confined in Cipinang Prison’s upscale Block H, where his cell was equipped with luxuries such as air conditioning, a laptop, and mobile phones. Subsequently, he was moved to Nusa Kambangan Island prison but often traveled to Jakarta on medical furloughs and was observed at exclusive golf courses. In 2006, Tommy returned to Cipinang; following an appeal, his sentence was reduced to 10 years, and he was conditionally freed after serving four years. Critics attributed this early release to his financial resources and family connections.

Jakarta bombings

Between late 1999 and September 2000, Jakarta was struck by a series of bomb attacks that authorities linked to attempts to intimidate those pursuing corruption cases against Suharto family members, including Tommy.

On 4 July 2000, Tommy appeared at the Attorney General’s Office as a witness in his father’s corruption investigation. Approximately one hour after his departure, an explosion occurred at the rear section of the Special Crimes Building (known as the Roundhouse). Another bomb bearing a military code was discovered and defused inside the building’s second-floor restroom. Police interrogated Tommy’s personal security detail about the incident.

On 14 September 2000, a bomb detonated in the basement parking lot of the Jakarta Stock Exchange, resulting in 15 fatalities. The nature of the explosives suggested involvement by military personnel. President Abdurrahman Wahid connected the bombing to his anti-corruption efforts targeting the Suharto family and implicated Tommy along with his associate Habib Ali Baagil from the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). Wahid instructed National Police chief Rusdihardjo to detain them for questioning; however, Rusdihardjo declined due to insufficient cooperation from police and military forces necessary for their arrest. Later statements from police revealed that two soldiers—one affiliated with Army Special Forces (Kopassus)—had planted the device. Defense Minister Mahfud MD cautioned that persisting with Suharto’s corruption trial might provoke further violent acts and suggested halting proceedings to prevent additional terrorist attacks.

Bomb conspiracy in 2001

On 14 January 2001, according to National Police spokesman Brigadier General Saleh Saaf, Tommy handed over three bombs to his associate Elize Maria Tuwahatu during a meeting held in Menteng, Central Jakarta. The next day, Elize sought out paranormal Ki Joko Bodo for help in carrying out bombings targeting the Attorney General’s Office, Ministry of Trade and Industry, and Directorate General of Taxation. She offered Rp 10 million upfront plus Rp 1 billion contingent on killing Attorney General Marzuki Darusman and Trade Minister Luhut Pandjaitan; the Tax Directorate bombing was intended merely as a scare tactic.

Ki Joko Bodo pretended to agree but informed authorities, leading to Elize’s arrest on 19 January near the Soldiers Museum located at Taman Mini Indonesia Indah—a theme park established by Tommy’s mother. She was found with explosives and admitted that Tommy had supplied her with bombs and instructed on their detonation. Saleh Saaf disclosed that since 1997 Tommy had been paying Elize Rp 150 million annually along with gifting her a blue Timor car and a residence on Jalan Suwiryo in Menteng.

Subsequently, Elize withdrew her confession through legal counsel citing mental health concerns. While detained at Pondok Bambu women’s prison, she faced trial in April 2001 at East Jakarta District Court for possession of explosives. The prosecution named Tommy as the plot’s mastermind. Outside court proceedings, Elize apologized to the "Cendana family," recognizing Tommy’s hardships but expressed doubt about positively identifying him as the bomb supplier due to poor lighting conditions during their meeting. On 30 July 2001, she received a decade-long prison sentence; meanwhile, Tommy remained at large.

On 6 August 2001, law enforcement raided two properties rented by Tommy in Jakarta—a unit within Cemara Apartment and a house in Pondok Indah—confiscating firearms, grenades, explosives, and ammunition.

Garuda Indonesia litigation

In May 2011, Tommy secured a legal victory against Garuda Indonesia, receiving Rp 12.51 billion (approximately $1.46 million) in damages. The dispute centered on a sponsored feature titled "A New Destination to Enjoy in Bali," published in Garuda’s December 2009 in-flight magazine, which highlighted Tommy’s Pecatu resort. Nevertheless, a translator's footnote added an assertion that Tommy was a convicted murderer. Judge Tahsin ruled that this reference harmed Tommy’s reputation "as a national and international businessman," emphasizing that his past conviction should not have been mentioned since he had served his sentence.

Rolls-Royce bribery allegations

In 2012, Dick Taylor, a former Rolls-Royce employee, claimed that the company provided a $20 million bribe and gifted a blue Rolls-Royce automobile to Tommy during the early 1990s to sway Garuda Indonesia’s decision to purchase Rolls-Royce Trent 700 engines for Airbus A330 aircraft. Tommy’s legal representatives denied any receipt of funds or gifts and refuted that he had recommended Rolls-Royce engines to Garuda Indonesia.

By 2017, the United Kingdom’s Serious Fraud Office (SFO) reached a Deferred Prosecution Agreement with Rolls-Royce concerning bribery and corruption linked to transactions in Indonesia, Thailand, India, Russia, Nigeria, China, and Malaysia. Rolls-Royce was fined £671 million, with the SFO confirming that bribes were paid to two Indonesian agents.

In October 2017, Tommy’s attorney Erwin Kallo reiterated his client’s denial of any involvement and criticized media outlets for disseminating unsubstantiated claims, specifically condemning Wikipedia Indonesia for associating Tommy with the Rolls-Royce scandal despite denials.

Toll road compensation claim

In February 2021, the South Jakarta District Court reviewed a case where Tommy sought Rp 90 billion in compensation from the government, a toll road operator, and a construction company. His legal team contended that the compensation was insufficient for an office building of nearly 1,000 square meters acquired in 2017 for the Depok–Antasari Toll Road project.

Political trajectory

Tommy, alongside Tutut and Bambang, became members of Golkar, Suharto's political party, and were appointed to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 1992. Following Suharto's resignation in May 1998, Golkar recalled them from the MPR in July of the same year. In 2008, Golkar expressed willingness to reinstate Suharto’s children on its board provided they had no outstanding legal issues.

During the 2009 Golkar congress in Riau, Tommy campaigned for party chairmanship, pledging Rp 50 billion (roughly $5 million) to each regional branch if elected. Nonetheless, businessman Aburizal Bakrie won by promising a Rp 1 trillion fund.

Tommy announced intentions to run again for Golkar chairmanship in May 2016 but ultimately did not submit his candidacy. That same month, he was appointed to Golkar’s Supervisory Board.

Also in 2016, Tommy established the Berkarya Party, formed through the merger of Beringin Karya Party and Nasional Republik Party.

In March 2017, Berkarya along with Swara Rakyat Indonesia (Parsindo) declared support for Tommy’s potential presidential candidacy in 2019. Although he voiced concerns about corruption within parliament, he denied any plans to run after his lawyer dismissed social media endorsements in October 2017. On 11 March 2018, coinciding symbolically with former president Sukarno’s signing of the Supersemar document that empowered Suharto, Tommy assumed leadership as chairman of the Berkarya Party.

2019 Indonesian general election

In July 2018, the Berkarya Party declared Tommy Soeharto as their candidate for the national legislature election scheduled for April 2019, representing Papua province. Priyo Budi Santoso, the party’s secretary general, mentioned that Tommy selected Papua because of his dedication to underserved communities.

Reuters analysts Ed Davies and Agustinus Beo Costa observed that Tommy’s campaign sought to rekindle memories of the stability and cohesion experienced during his father’s administration. He criticized President Joko Widodo’s infrastructure initiatives, blaming them for Indonesia’s foreign debt surge—from $54 billion during Suharto’s era to $340 billion today.

Despite Indonesian regulations prohibiting individuals with prison sentences exceeding five years from presidential candidacy, Tommy asserted in 2018 that he had completed his sentence and was entitled to equal political rights.

Following Berkarya’s acquisition of 2.09% of the vote and failure in the 2019 election, the party submitted 35 appeals to the Constitutional Court; every appeal was either withdrawn or dismissed.

Social media accounts complaint

In September 2020, Tommy’s attorney Azim Marekhan lodged a formal complaint with Jakarta Police concerning fraudulent social media profiles impersonating Tommy. Marekhan clarified that Tommy does not maintain official Facebook, Twitter, or Instagram accounts and requested these counterfeit profiles be removed. Additionally, Marekhan stated that a YouTube channel associating Tommy’s "Cendana family" with opposition to President Joko Widodo was not connected to him.

Motorsport

Tommy developed a motorsport career spanning multiple formats. At the end of 1989, he acquired a former Holden Commodore VL constructed by Tom Walkinshaw Racing. In 1997, he competed in Rally Indonesia alongside elite World Rally Championship drivers and financed enhancements at Sentul International Circuit. Between 1991 and 1995, Tommy held the position of chairman at the Indonesian Motoring Association (Ikatan Motor Indonesia, IMI). After being released from prison in 2006, he re-entered competition at the SS-12 National Championship Rally in Bali but withdrew early following an accident. From 2016 to 2020, he served on IMI’s Board of Advisers. His son, Darma Mangkuluhur Hutomo, is also engaged in racing and occupies the role of IMI’s social and environmental director for the term 2021–24.

Complete Indonesian Grand Prix results

(key) (Entries in bold denote pole positions; those in italics indicate fastest laps)

Year Car 1 2 Rank Points
1993 Reynard 92D Mugen-Honda SEN
Ret 		SEN
Ret 		NC O

Personal life

During the early 1990s, Tommy was romantically associated with singer Maya Rumantir; however, his family reportedly opposed this relationship due to differences in religion and ethnicity. In 2001, Maya was questioned by authorities during an investigation involving Tommy but denied any involvement. He was also linked to actress Nia Zulkarnaen, though family disapproval persisted.

On 28 April 1996, Tommy’s mother passed away from a heart attack. Speculation arose regarding a familial conflict involving Tommy and his brother Bambang, but these claims were refuted by both officials and relatives.

Tommy wed Ardhia Pramesti Regita Cahyani ('Tata'), who descends from Mangkunegaran royalty, on 30 April 1997. They had two children before Tata filed for divorce in May 2006 and relocated to Singapore; the divorce was finalized by September that year. In 2017, a legal representative alleged that Tommy had provided Tata with substantial financial support for their children, which reportedly vanished without his awareness.

While evading capture in 2001, Tommy resided with former model Lani Banjaranti, who later revealed they had a son together. During his incarceration on Nusa Kambangan, girlfriend Sandy Harun visited him; she later gave birth to his daughter. In 2009, Tommy was romantically linked to model Catherine Wilson following her visit to one of his resorts in Bali.

External links

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