Badri Patarkatsishvili
Badri Patarkatsishvili | |
|---|---|
| Born | Template:Birth date Tbilisi, Georgian SSR, Soviet Union |
| Died | February 12, 2008 (aged 52) |
| Occupation(s) | Entrepreneur, politician |
| Known for | Georgian businessman; involvement in Russian enterprises; 2008 Georgian presidential candidate |
Arkady Shalvovich "Badri" Patarkatsishvili (; 31 October 1955 – 12 February 2008) was a prominent Georgian entrepreneur and political personality. In the 2008 Georgian presidential election, he secured third place, obtaining 7.1% of the votes. From the early 1980s until his passing, Patarkatsishvili played a significant role in establishing some of Russia’s leading enterprises. Originating from humble roots, he eventually became Georgia’s wealthiest individual, with an estimated fortune of $12 billion. Additionally, he was recognized for his extensive philanthropic efforts.
His unexpected death in February 2008, occurring without a will, sparked one of the most extensive inheritance disputes recorded. In October 2018, the Georgian authorities accused former president Mikheil Saakashvili of orchestrating his assassination.
Early life
Born in Tbilisi to a family of Jewish heritage, Patarkatsishvili engaged actively with the Komsomol, the youth branch of the Soviet Communist Party, ultimately assuming leadership at Maudi, a major textile enterprise.[1]
In 1984, he was appointed Deputy Director General of Gruzavtovazprom, an organization responsible for acquiring and distributing vehicles and parts from AvtoVAZ, then the USSR’s largest automobile manufacturer. During his visits to AvtoVAZ, he encountered Boris Berezovsky, who would become a close business partner.[2] Together in 1989, they established LogoVaz (), a joint venture with the Italian firm Logo Systems. LogoVaz specialized in developing software for AvtoVAZ, marketing Soviet automobiles, and servicing foreign cars. Patarkatsishvili served as Deputy Director General at LogoVaz’s Georgian division.[2]
Move to Moscow and involvement with ORT
In 1992, with backing from his associate Otari Kvantriashvili, Patarkatsishvili relocated to the Moscow region, initially living in Lyubertsy in 1993 before moving to Moscow in 1994. He swiftly integrated into Berezovsky’s influential political network.[3][4] LogoVaz had grown highly profitable by this time, securing Patarkatsishvili’s wealth.[5] Following the Soviet Union’s dissolution and ensuing political instability, Patarkatsishvili and Berezovsky endorsed Boris Yeltsin’s liberal reform agenda despite economic difficulties.
By 1994, Berezovsky had taken control of ORT, Russia’s leading television channel, appointing Patarkatsishvili as First Deputy General Director with oversight of financial affairs.[3] He managed ORT Reklama, which handled significant advertising income. Between 1996 and 2000, former KGB officer Andrey Lugovoy was responsible for security at ORT and also provided personal protection for Patarkatsishvili.[3] With assistance from Mikhail Lesin, they utilized ORT’s influence to support Boris Yeltsin’s successful campaign in the 1996 presidential election.[6] Patarkatsishvili continued playing a vital role at ORT until mid-2000.[3]
Sibneft Privatization
In 1997, Patarkatsishvili was appointed to manage the privatization process of Sibneft, Russia’s youngest major oil company, established in 1995 as a spin-off from Rosneft. The auction was ultimately secured by Oil Finance Corporation (NFK), affiliated with Menatep—a holding company created by Mikhail Khodorkovsky—in which Berezovsky held a stake, leading to widespread suspicions of a manipulated transaction. Sibneft was sold at a price significantly below its actual market worth.
Following Patarkatsishvili’s passing, the privatization of Sibneft became a focal point in a 2012 legal confrontation between Chelsea owner Roman Abramovich and Berezovsky. Abramovich’s legal team accused Berezovsky and Patarkatsishvili of demanding substantial payments to facilitate his advancement within Russia’s business elite, with Patarkatsishvili acting as the intermediary. Court documents disclosed that Abramovich had offered Patarkatsishvili $500 million as protection during the turbulent aluminium industry conflicts.
TV6 and Kommersant
After his role at ORT concluded, Patarkatsishvili took on the position of General Director at TV6 in April 2001. This channel, partially owned by Berezovsky, gained prominence for its critical stance against the Kremlin.
During the late 1990s, Berezovsky and Patarkatsishvili jointly acquired Kommersant, one of Russia’s foremost political newspapers. In 2006, Berezovsky transferred his majority shareholding to Patarkatsishvili, who subsequently facilitated Kommersant’s sale in August 2006 to Alisher Usmanov, a senior executive at Gazprom.
Political Challenges in Russia
By mid-1999, as Boris Yeltsin’s influence waned, Boris Berezovsky played an instrumental role in selecting Yeltsin’s successor to counterbalance Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, perceived as favoring state control. As Berezovsky lost Kremlin support, investigations into his business activities were initiated, which he asserted were politically driven. This culminated in an arrest warrant issued in April 1999 by Prosecutor General Yury Skuratov. Despite attempts by Patarkatsishvili to distance himself from Berezovsky’s political controversies, his association raised concerns about potential arrest, prompting him to relocate from Moscow to Georgia in 2000.
With the election of Vladimir Putin in March 2000, Patarkatsishvili anticipated improved prospects for both himself and Berezovsky, who had backed Putin’s campaign. He later claimed to have recommended Putin to Pavel Borodin, a senior official under Yeltsin’s administration. Additionally, Berezovsky played a role in securing Putin’s appointment as head of the FSB.
However, tensions between Berezovsky and Putin escalated rapidly. On May 31, Berezovsky publicly opposed constitutional changes that expanded Kremlin authority to dismiss elected governors, warning these reforms endangered Russia’s territorial integrity and democratic framework. The conflict intensified in August 2000 when Berezovsky utilized ORT to criticize Putin’s response to the Kursk submarine tragedy, accusing the Kremlin of resisting foreign assistance. This scrutiny extended to Patarkatsishvili due to his close ties with Berezovsky and control over ORT.
In December 2000, Nikolay Glushkov, co-founder of AvtoVAZ and trusted associate of both Patarkatsishvili and Berezovsky, was detained amid investigations related to Aeroflot—a company connected to Berezovsky. They regarded Glushkov’s arrest as politically motivated pressure on their enterprises. Suffering from a hereditary blood disorder requiring specialized medical care, Glushkov’s release became subject to negotiations involving concessions such as surrendering media assets and ceasing political ambitions.
In June 2001, the Prosecutor General accused Patarkatsishvili of orchestrating Glushkov’s attempted prison escape and issued an Interpol warrant for his arrest. Concerned about an unjust trial, Patarkatsishvili avoided questioning and on July 4 granted an interview to Kommersant outlining his defense. Subsequently, he sought political asylum in Tbilisi. Further allegations concerning misappropriation related to AvtoVAZ emerged in October 2002.
Investment and philanthropy in Georgia
After returning to his homeland, Patarkatsishvili funneled a significant portion of the wealth he had accumulated in Russia back into Georgia, amassing personal assets that exceeded the national budget. His acquisitions included the Tbilisi-based football club Dinamo Tbilisi, the Kulevi oil terminal, alongside financing the construction of a new shopping mall and a resort on the Black Sea coast.
He served as the head of the Georgian businessmen’s federation and led the Georgian National Olympic Committee, while also supporting social welfare initiatives, cultural projects, and settling utility bills for residents of Tbilisi. His charitable contributions extended to educational institutions, recreational parks, and religious establishments. In return for his support, President Eduard Shevardnadze provided him with state protection against legal actions originating from Russia.
In December 2001, Patarkatsishvili launched Imedi Media Holding, marking Georgia’s first independent media broadcaster.
Involvement in politics in Georgia
Although initially not politically active, Patarkatsishvili backed opposition leader Mikheil Saakashvili during the 2003 Rose Revolution. By 2005, he hosted prominent personalities such as Boris Berezovsky and Neil Bush.
However, tensions developed between Patarkatsishvili and Saakashvili; Patarkatsishvili criticized Imedi for exhibiting opposition bias, while Saakashvili accused him of attempting to dominate Georgian business sectors. Beginning in late 2006, Patarkatsishvili funded opposition groups, contributing to the establishment of the Our Georgia party.
In late 2007, former defense minister Irakli Okruashvili accused Saakashvili of orchestrating an assassination attempt against Patarkatsishvili but later withdrew his claim under bail conditions. Okruashvili subsequently stated that his retraction was made under duress. These events were covered by Imedi TV during its management by News Corporation.
Throughout 2007, Saakashvili’s administration leveled multiple corruption charges against Patarkatsishvili, which resulted in his removal as president of the Georgian National Olympic Committee and his resignation from the Georgian Business Federation. The pro-government Rustavi 2 television outlet linked him to several high-profile murders in both Russia and Georgia.
A significant controversy arose when Imedi reported on the 2006 killing of Sandro Girgvliani, implicating officials connected to Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili, which severely undermined Saakashvili’s government reputation.
On October 29, 2007, Patarkatsishvili declared his intention to financially support ten opposition parties ahead of early parliamentary elections scheduled for April 2008. He spoke at a large anti-government demonstration on November 2 before departing for London. Following violent clashes during protests on November 7, authorities suspected him of involvement in a conspiracy to topple the government. On November 11, he announced an independent bid for the presidency in the January 5, 2008 election under the slogan "Georgia without Saakashvili is Georgia without Terror," although key opposition factions distanced themselves from his campaign.
In late December 2007, Georgian prosecutors released recordings purportedly showing Patarkatsishvili attempting to bribe Interior Ministry official Erekle Kodua to participate in a coup attempt. Independent experts suggested these recordings had been manipulated and indicated that Patarkatsishvili advocated peaceful methods. He admitted to meeting with Kodua but denied any coup involvement, asserting that he aimed to expose electoral fraud plans and offered funds to prevent government violence against planned protests.
On December 28, he announced his withdrawal from the presidential race but remained officially listed as a candidate until January 4. He reversed this decision on January 3, leading campaign manager Giorgi Zhvania to resign over concerns regarding Patarkatsishvili’s public image. Ultimately, he finished third in the election with approximately 7% of votes cast.
Passion for sports
Patarkatsishvili held the position of chairman at the football club Dinamo Tbilisi and led the Georgian National Olympic Committee (GNOC) as its president until his removal in October 2007 amid a governmental conflict.
In September 2006, he expressed an intention to purchase the London-based football team West Ham, though this acquisition never came to fruition.
Passing
At 52 years old, Patarkatsishvili collapsed on February 12, 2008, at Downside Manor, his mansion located in Leatherhead, Surrey, England. Emergency medical personnel attempted to revive him, but he was declared deceased shortly thereafter. Surrey police initiated an inquiry, categorizing the death as "suspicious."
On the day of his death, he had meetings with business associate Boris Berezovsky, spokesperson Tim Bell, attorneys Lord Goldsmith KC and Richard Gibbon, as well as fellow exiles Nikolai Glushkov and Yuli Dubov at Debevoise and Plimpton’s City of London office. Following this, he visited Berezovsky’s office in Mayfair before returning to Leatherhead. After dinner, he suffered chest pain and was discovered unconscious in his bedroom due to a heart attack.
Initial examinations and autopsy findings attributed his death to natural cardiac causes linked to coronary heart disease. Pathologist Ashley Fegan-Earl described the severity as consistent with a sudden collapse. Although Patarkatsishvili had no documented illnesses, he reportedly maintained an unhealthy lifestyle marked by heavy smoking and lack of physical activity. His father also died prematurely from a heart attack.
Despite medical conclusions, speculation about possible foul play arose because of substances formerly employed by the KGB that can trigger heart failure without leaving evidence. British authorities searched his mansion for radioactive materials but uncovered nothing suspicious.
Patarkatsishvili was laid to rest at his estate Arkadia in Tbilisi, situated within the former Wedding Palace.
Coverage by British media
The Georgian oligarch’s death was initially reported by London Lite on February 13, 2008. The following day, prominent UK newspapers such as The Guardian, The Times, Financial Times, The Daily Telegraph, and The Independent featured stories highlighting Patarkatsishvili’s business ventures and his associations with individuals like Boris Berezovsky, Roman Abramovich, Alexander Litvinenko, Mikheil Saakashvili, and Vladimir Putin.
Global media attention
According to Reuters, a source close to Patarkatsishvili revealed his fear of a Georgian government conspiracy against him. The Associated Press reported that on December 26, 2007, Patarkatsishvili claimed possession of an audio recording in which an Interior Ministry official allegedly requested a Chechen warlord to assassinate him in London; this tape was reportedly handed over to law enforcement.
Novaya Gazeta disclosed that the Saakashvili administration had approached Patarkatsishvili with an offer to sell his controlling interest in the dissident Imedi TV channel. After initially declining, he was later proposed ownership rights over Georgia’s entire railway system. However, upon reviewing the contract, he discovered a new provision requiring a $2 billion investment into railway upgrades. He refused these terms and passed away shortly afterwards. This account was provided by one of the lawyers involved in the negotiations.
Estate dispute
After Patarkatsishvili passed away without leaving a legally recognized will, multiple associates attempted to claim his business holdings from his family, who were the rightful heirs according to Georgian legislation.
Soon after his demise, Joseph Kay—stepson of Patarkatsishvili’s aunt and a business associate—together with American attorney Emmanuel Zeltser, sought to take control of Imedi Media Holding, Mtatsminda Park, the Rustavi Metallurgical Plant, as well as other family properties, including a significant development project on Fisher Island in Florida. They asserted ownership based on a purported last will appointing Kay as executor; however, the UK High Court determined these documents to be fraudulent. In 2010, the Supreme Court of Gibraltar dismissed Kay’s claim, with Justice Dudley describing him as "dishonest" and "not a credible witness." Following additional legal proceedings in the United States, United Kingdom, and Georgia, the contested assets were ultimately returned to Patarkatsishvili’s family.
In 2012, businessman Boris Berezovsky asserted entitlement to half of Patarkatsishvili’s estate, citing a 1995 handshake agreement to share their business interests equally. After an unfavorable verdict against Berezovsky in the Berezovsky v Abramovich case, he resolved his claim through a confidential settlement.
In 2013, Inna Gudavadze alongside Patarkatsishvili’s relatives filed a $1.8 billion lawsuit against associate Vasily Anisimov concerning rights to a 20% stake previously held by Anisimov in the mining firm Metalloinvest. This dispute was resolved by settlement in March 2014 prior to trial.
Personal life
Patarkatsishvili was married to Inna Vasilievna Gudavadze (born 1955, Tbilisi), and they had two daughters: Liana (born 1980) and Inna (born 1983).
See also
External links
- Badri Patarkatsishvili, profile by Civil Georgia, dated 2008-02-13
- Patarkatsishvili: The Oligarch’s Path, NewsGeorgia profile from 2008-02-28
- Mark Hollingsworth and S Lansley, Londongrad: From Russia With Cash: The Inside Story of the Oligarchs, 4th Estate, 2009
- Complete Biography of Badri Patarkatsishvili
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- ↑ Boris Yeltsin Wikipedia
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