Boris Berezovsky (businessman)

Boris Berezovsky
Born	Boris Abramovich Berezovsky (1946-01-23) 23 January 1946 Moscow, Soviet Union
Died	23 March 2013(2013-03-23) (aged 67) Berkshire, United Kingdom
Other names	Platon Elenin
Occupation(s)	Oligarch, engineer, mathematician, government official
Years active	1969–2013
Known for	Russian oligarch; member of Russian Academy of Sciences; involvement in Russian privatization and politics

Boris Abramovich Berezovsky (, ; 23 January 1946 – 23 March 2013), also recognized by the alias Platon Elenin, was a prominent Russian oligarch, engineer, mathematician, government official, and a member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. He held the distinguished federal state civilian service rank of 1st class Active State Councillor of the Russian Federation.

By 1997, Berezovsky had accumulated an estimated fortune of $3 billion through the early 1990s privatization of Russian state enterprises, including significant acquisition of the major broadcaster Channel One. Nevertheless, by the time of his death in 2013, his wealth had significantly diminished due to protracted legal disputes with former partner Roman Abramovich, compelled liquidation of assets, and an expensive divorce settlement. Initially, Berezovsky financially supported the Unity party to back Vladimir Putin’s rise to power, anticipating continued oligarchic influence. He secured election to the State Duma in 1999 as a Putin ally but later distanced himself from Putin’s centralization of authority and resigned from his parliamentary position.

After being summoned for investigation by Russian officials in 2000, Berezovsky sought refuge abroad and was granted political asylum in the United Kingdom in 2003. Following his exile, Russian authorities confiscated his media interests, prompting him to divest from other holdings in Russia. In absentia, he was convicted in 2007 on charges of fraud and embezzlement—initiated during Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov’s administration. Despite an Interpol Red Notice issued for his arrest, the UK declined extradition requests, leading to diplomatic friction.

In a notable London High Court ruling in 2012, Berezovsky lost a lawsuit against Roman Abramovich concerning ownership rights over Sibneft oil company shares; the court concluded he never held co-ownership. Reports surfaced in late 2011 that an Israeli private investigator had engaged an Indian mercenary hacking group to target Berezovsky and his legal team.

On 23 March 2013, Berezovsky was discovered deceased at his residence in Berkshire. The autopsy suggested death by hanging without evidence of a struggle; however, the coroner delivered an open verdict at the subsequent inquest.

Early life, scientific research and engineering experience

Born in Moscow in 1946, Boris Abramovich Berezovsky was the son of Abram Markovich Berezovsky (1911–1979), an Ashkenazi Jewish civil engineer specializing in construction, and Anna Aleksandrovna Gelman (1923–2013). He pursued studies in applied mathematics and earned a doctorate degree in 1983. After completing his education at the Moscow Forestry Engineering Institute (formerly known as Moscow State Forest University) in 1968, he worked as an engineer at the Institute of Control Sciences under the USSR Academy of Sciences from 1969 until 1987, eventually rising to lead a department. His research focus was on optimization and control theory, producing sixteen publications between 1975 and 1989. Although assigned to his initial position through state distribution policies, Berezovsky later expressed dissatisfaction with this early role but appreciated the academic environment that influenced his development.

While affiliated with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Berezovsky was not considered a dissident; rather, he disagreed with official doctrines but utilized party membership strategically to advance professionally, compensating for what he perceived as limited scientific aptitude.

Wealth accumulation

Alexander Khinshtein, a State Duma deputy affiliated with the United Russia party, claimed that in 1979 Boris Berezovsky was apprehended by the OBKhSS in Makhachkala (Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic) on charges of profiteering. Khinshtein also asserted that Berezovsky had been serving as a KGB officer since that time.

During 1989, Berezovsky took advantage of the perestroika reforms to co-establish LogoVAZ alongside Badri Patarkatsishvili and senior executives from AvtoVAZ. LogoVAZ specialized in software development for AvtoVAZ, the sale of Soviet automobiles, and maintenance services for foreign cars. The company benefited from hyperinflation by acquiring vehicles on consignment and settling payments with manufacturers later, when currency values had depreciated.

An early business initiative was the All-Russia Automobile Alliance (AVVA), created in 1993 with Alexander Voloshin (who would later become Chief of Staff to Boris Yeltsin) and AvtoVAZ Chairman Vladimir Kadannikov. Berezovsky held approximately 30% ownership of AVVA, which successfully raised close to US$50 million from small-scale investors through a bonded loan aimed at constructing a "people's car" factory. Due to insufficient capital, funds were redirected to AvtoVAZ production instead, with investor debts converted into equity stakes. By the year 2000, AVVA controlled nearly one-third of AvtoVAZ.

In 1994, Berezovsky survived an assassination attempt via a car bomb that killed his driver; the FSB investigation linked this attack to opposition from entrenched Soviet-era AvtoVAZ management resisting his expanding influence.

Berezovsky ventured into the Russian media sector in December 1994 by acquiring control over ORT Television (currently known as Channel One (Russia)), which succeeded the struggling Soviet Channel 1. He appointed the well-known presenter Vladislav Listyev as CEO; however, Listyev was murdered three months later amid disputes over advertising revenues. Although Berezovsky was interrogated during the investigation, no perpetrators were identified. Under his stewardship, ORT emerged as a critical platform for reformist forces ahead of the 1996 presidential election.

Between 1995 and 1997, through contentious loans-for-shares privatization auctions, Berezovsky and Patarkatsishvili assisted Roman Abramovich in gaining control of Sibneft, Russia’s sixth-largest oil producer and a significant contributor to their wealth. Berezovsky later disclosed that financier George Soros opted not to partake in this acquisition.

In 1995, Berezovsky influenced managerial changes at Aeroflot, facilitating its corporatization process by helping his associate Nikolai Glushkov secure the CFO position. In January 1998, plans were announced for Sibneft to merge with Mikhail Khodorkovsky's Yukos, which would have created the world’s third-largest oil company; however, this merger was abandoned five months later due to declining oil prices.

Contribution to Yeltsin's 1996 reelection

Berezovsky entered the Kremlin's inner circle in 1993 by facilitating the publication of Yeltsin's memoirs and establishing a relationship with Valentin Yumashev, Yeltsin's ghostwriter.

At the January 1996 World Economic Forum in Davos, Berezovsky collaborated with fellow oligarchs to form the "Davos Pact," an agreement to financially support Boris Yeltsin's campaign during the 1996 Russian presidential election. Upon returning to Moscow, he also developed a rapport with Yeltsin's daughter, Tatyana Dyachenko. According to The Guardian, Berezovsky and his billionaire peers contributed approximately £140 million toward Yeltsin's campaign efforts.

By mid-1996, Berezovsky had become a principal advisor to Yeltsin, aligning himself with reformist figures such as Anatoly Chubais, while opposing hardliners led by General Alexander Korzhakov. In June of that year, Berezovsky and his allies orchestrated Korzhakov’s removal from power, thereby consolidating reformist dominance within the Kremlin. This action was contentious since Korzhakov had recently exposed campaign operatives transporting unaccounted cash from the presidential administration.

During the first round of the June 1996 election, Yeltsin took the lead after forming a strategic alliance with General Alexander Lebed. In the July runoff, he defeated Communist candidate Gennady Zyuganov, largely due to backing from television networks controlled by Gusinsky and Berezovsky (NTV and ORT) as well as financial support from business elites. The New York Times described Berezovsky as both the "public spokesman and chief lobbyist" for this emerging elite that quickly gained legitimacy.

Involvement in the Chechen Conflict

On 17 October 1996, President Yeltsin removed General Alexander Lebed from his post as National Security Advisor following accusations of conspiring to stage a coup and assembling a private militia. Lebed blamed Berezovsky and Gusinsky for orchestrating his ousting and subsequently allied himself with General Alexander Korzhakov. The dismissal of Lebed, who had played a key role in negotiating the Khasavyurt Accord, cast doubt over Yeltsin’s approach to the Chechen situation. Shortly thereafter, on 30 October 1996, Yeltsin appointed Ivan Rybkin as National Security Advisor and assigned Berezovsky as Deputy Secretary responsible for Chechnya. Berezovsky's duties included overseeing the execution of the Khasavyurt Accord, which involved withdrawing Russian forces, negotiating peace agreements, and organizing elections. On 19 December 1996, Berezovsky successfully brokered the release of 21 Russian policemen held captive by warlord Salman Raduev, during a period when peace negotiations were under threat.

The Kremlin witnessed the signing of the Russian–Chechen Peace Treaty on 12 May 1997 by Yeltsin and Maskhadov. Berezovsky prioritized Chechnya’s economic reconstruction, emphasizing the development of an Azerbaijani oil pipeline and urging Russian enterprises to contribute to rebuilding efforts. He personally donated between US$1 million and US$2 million towards reopening a cement factory in Grozny—a contribution later scrutinized amid allegations of financing Chechen militants.

Following his removal from the Security Council, Berezovsky remained engaged in Chechen affairs through unofficial channels, maintaining contact with various warlords. He played a crucial role in securing the freedom of 69 hostages, including two British nationals whom he transported to RAF Brize Norton in September 1998. In a 2005 interview, Berezovsky disclosed that British Ambassador Sir Andrew Wood had been involved in these negotiations, with Islamic militant leader Movladi Udugov facilitating the release.

In early 1999, Berezovsky held a telephone conversation with Udugov approximately six months prior to the Invasion of Dagestan (1999). A leaked transcript suggested plans for militant incursions. Berezovsky later clarified that Udugov proposed coordinating an invasion intended to provoke a limited Russian military response designed to depose Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov and establish an Islamic republic aligned with Russia yet opposed to American interests. Berezovsky rejected this plan but reported it to Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin. He asserted that "Udugov and Basayev conspired with Stepashin and Putin to instigate a war aimed at overthrowing Maskhadov ... with an agreement that Russian forces would halt at the Terek River. However, Putin betrayed this arrangement by initiating full-scale conflict."

Conflict with the "Young Reformers"

In March 1997, Berezovsky accompanied Tatyana Dyachenko to Nizhniy Novgorod in an effort to convince Governor Boris Nemtsov to join Anatoly Chubais’ economic faction known as the government of Young Reformers. This event represented the final unified political endeavor under the so-called "Davos Pact." Within four months, this coalition fractured into two rival groups vying for President Yeltsin’s support. The rivalry intensified around the privatization auction of telecommunications company Svyazinvest, pitting Onexim Bank—led by Chubais ally Vladimir Potanin and backed by George Soros—against Gusinsky's faction allied with Spanish firm Telefónica. What began as a business competition evolved into a political struggle between Chubais and Berezovsky.

Potanin’s triumph sparked an intense media confrontation: broadcasters ORT and NTV accused Chubais’ team of manipulating the auction, while Chubais countered by alleging that Berezovsky exploited governmental authority for personal business advantage. Both parties appealed directly to Yeltsin, who pledged to initiate a new phase of "fair" privatization governed by rigorous legislative oversight. In the end, both sides experienced setbacks. Investigations led by Berezovsky’s media outlets uncovered corrupt practices involving Onexim Bank financing Chubais and his associates through payments for an unwritten book, prompting a purge of Chubais loyalists from government positions. In retaliation, Chubais persuaded Yeltsin to remove Berezovsky from the national security council on 5 November 1997.

George Soros characterized the confrontation between Berezovsky and Chubais as a critical moment that significantly weakened reformist forces politically, ultimately facilitating the rise of conservative nationalists and paving the way for Vladimir Putin.

Philanthropy

In 1991, Berezovsky established the "Triumph" award to recognize exceptional achievements among Russian poets, musicians, visual artists, directors, and ballet performers.

Reportedly, in 1998, Berezovsky was instrumental in facilitating the release of two British aid workers who had been held captive in Chechnya for over a year.

The Kremlin Circle and Putin's Emergence

Berezovsky re-entered the political arena in early 1998 by assuming the role of executive secretary for the Commonwealth of Independent States. He quickly became a key figure within the informal advisory group known as the "Family," which surrounded President Yeltsin and included his daughter Tatyana as well as chief of staff Valentin Yumashev. By 1999, influential figures such as Alexander Voloshin and Roman Abramovich had also joined this inner circle. The primary objective of the Family was to identify a successor to Yeltsin who could win public support and oppose Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, whose interventionist policies conflicted with their interests.

In November 1998, FSB agents led by Alexander Litvinenko accused their superiors of plotting to assassinate Berezovsky. Then in April 1999, Prosecutor General Yury Skuratov initiated an inquiry into Aeroflot financial misconduct and issued an arrest warrant for Berezovsky, which he dismissed as a politically driven move orchestrated by Primakov. Following his questioning, the warrant was rescinded and no formal charges were filed. Shortly thereafter, Yeltsin replaced Primakov with Sergey Stepashin as prime minister.

Vyacheslav Aminov served as head of Berezovsky’s personal security detail and remained a steadfast supporter.

Vladimir Putin’s swift rise in 1999 is often linked to his connections within the Family, serving as a protégé to both Berezovsky and Yumashev. By late 1999, this group had persuaded Yeltsin to designate Putin as his successor. Berezovsky’s relationship with Putin dated back to the early 1990s when Putin assisted in launching a Logovaz automobile dealership. Their association included social activities such as skiing trips together in Switzerland.

During February 1999, amid Berezovsky’s conflict with Primakov over Aeroflot matters, Putin—then director of the FSB—showed his support by attending a celebration for Berezovsky’s wife. Spanish authorities later noted that Putin visited a property owned by Berezovsky multiple times that year.

In July 1999, the Family dispatched Berezovsky to convince Putin while he was vacationing in Biarritz to accept the prime minister position and become the designated heir. On 9 August, Yeltsin dismissed Stepashin’s cabinet and appointed Putin as prime minister—a move widely attributed to Berezovsky’s influence.

Putin’s principal competitors were former Prime Minister Primakov and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov, both backed by the Fatherland-All Russia coalition. To counter this opposition during the 1999 Duma elections, Berezovsky played a pivotal role in founding the Unity party, which focused exclusively on supporting Putin. He later disclosed that Unity’s financing originated from Aeroflot with Putin’s approval. Running as a staunch supporter of Putin, Berezovsky secured a Duma seat representing Karachaevo-Cherkessia.

Throughout the campaign, ORT TV under Berezovsky’s control vigorously promoted Putin while disparaging opponents Primakov and Luzhkov, attracting criticism for media bias. Unity achieved unexpectedly strong electoral results, setting the stage for Putin’s presidential success in early 2000.

Dispute with Putin and relocation abroad

Berezovsky's antagonism toward Putin emerged early during the latter's tenure as president. Despite Berezovsky and Abramovich attending Putin's inauguration celebration on 8 May 2000, by 31 May Berezovsky openly opposed the constitutional amendment that empowered the Kremlin to dismiss elected regional governors. On 17 July, he stepped down from the Duma, citing his resistance to the establishment of an authoritarian system. In August, Berezovsky's media outlets criticized Putin’s response to the Kursk submarine tragedy, accusing the Kremlin of hesitating to accept international assistance. By September, Berezovsky alleged that the Kremlin sought to appropriate his ORT shares and intended to place them in a trust overseen by intellectuals.

In a 2000 article for the Washington Post, Berezovsky defended oligarchs’ involvement in politics as a necessary counterweight to former Communists undermining democratic progress. He also initiated legal proceedings against journalist Paul Klebnikov over claims of illicit conduct. In October, Putin issued a warning to media controlled by oligarchs, cautioning against government criticism and implying that Berezovsky could face state retaliation.

During that month, prosecutors reopened an investigation into Aeroflot fraud; Berezovsky was interrogated but failed to attend subsequent questioning in November while abroad. He declared he would not return to Russia due to mounting pressure from authorities and direct intimidation from Putin. Berezovsky asserted that suspicion surrounding Aeroflot was linked to ORT’s critical coverage of the Kursk incident. In December, his associate Nikolai Glushkov was detained, prompting Berezovsky to abandon plans for placing his ORT shares in a trust.

Withdrawal from Russian interests

Throughout 2001, the Russian government systematically assumed control over private television channels, resulting in Berezovsky, Gusinsky, and Patarkatsishvili losing most of their media holdings. Patarkatsishvili expressed concern about Russia "becoming a banana republic" in a letter published by The New York Times. In February, Berezovsky and Patarkatsishvili sold their ORT shares to Roman Abramovich, who swiftly transferred editorial authority to the Kremlin. Berezovsky later claimed there had been a covert agreement guaranteeing the release of Nikolai Glushkov from prison—an assurance that was never honored. In April, the government confiscated Vladimir Gusinsky’s NTV network. Subsequently, Berezovsky acquired a controlling interest in the smaller TV-6 channel, appointed Patarkatsishvili as chairman, and hired many journalists who had been dismissed from NTV. Shortly thereafter, Patarkatsishvili faced police scrutiny and fled Russia. By January 2002, under pressure from LUKoil—a partially state-owned minority shareholder—TV-6 was forced into liquidation by a Russian arbitration court using legislation that was later repealed.

Also in 2001, Berezovsky and Patarkatsishvili sold their stakes in Sibneft for $1.3 billion to Abramovich. Berezovsky later alleged that he was coerced into selling at a price below market value; however, this claim was dismissed by UK courts.

In 2006, Berezovsky divested from the Kommersant newspaper along with his remaining Russian assets, selling them to Badri Patarkatsishvili.

Exile in Britain

Operating from his residence at Stanley House in the United Kingdom, Berezovsky, along with associates such as Akhmed Zakayev, Alexander Litvinenko, and Alex Goldfarb, established what became known as the "London Circle" of Russian expatriates. Berezovsky openly declared his objective to depose Putin through either armed action or a nonviolent revolution. He created the International Foundation for Civil Liberties (IFCL) to aid oppressed groups within Russia—including prisoners, minority communities, and entrepreneurs—and actively condemned Putin’s administration on the international stage.

He spearheaded campaigns highlighting alleged violations committed under Putin’s regime, including suppression of free expression, war crimes in Chechnya, and accusations that the FSB orchestrated the 1999 Russian apartment bombings to facilitate Putin’s rise to power. Much of these initiatives were funded by the IFCL based in New York, which was overseen by Berezovsky’s associate Alex Goldfarb.

Berezovsky invested heavily in prestigious UK properties, acquiring a flat in Belgravia, the expansive 125-acre Wentworth Park estate near Virginia Water, Surrey, and briefly holding ownership of the 172-acre Hascombe Court estate in Godalming. He eventually sold Wentworth Park in 2012.

Political asylum and extradition proceedings

On 9 September 2003, Berezovsky was granted political asylum and refugee status by the British Home Office, a decision he reportedly welcomed as stated by Alex Goldfarb.

Shortly thereafter, on 12 September 2003, Judge Timothy Workman at Bow Street Magistrates' Court in London dismissed extradition attempts against Berezovsky, deeming them unnecessary due to his newly acquired asylum status.

In early February 2006, following Berezovsky’s public declaration of intent to unseat Russian President Vladimir Putin, British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw cautioned him against conducting such activities from within Britain, warning that his refugee status could be reconsidered if he continued.

Convictions in absentia and investigations abroad

After receiving asylum, Russian authorities initiated criminal proceedings against Berezovsky that led to two trials conducted in absentia. He rejected the verdict sentencing him to six years as a "mockery of justice". In June 2009, the Krasnogorsk City Court sentenced him to thirteen years imprisonment for allegedly defrauding AvtoVAZ of 58 million rubles (approximately US$1.9 million) during the 1990s; Berezovsky was represented by a state-appointed attorney.

While he successfully resisted extradition efforts and exposed politically driven prosecutions in the UK, other countries collaborated with Russia to freeze his assets and conduct money laundering investigations. Some of these measures were overturned by Berezovsky. In July 2007, Brazilian prosecutors issued an arrest warrant related to his investment in football club Corinthians, but this was annulled by Brazil’s Supreme Court in 2008. French officials raided his villa in Nice and seized two yachts on the French Riviera at Russia’s request; however, a French court subsequently ordered their release. Swiss prosecutors have supported Russian inquiries into Berezovsky’s financial dealings for more than ten years.

Allegations and Defamation Litigation in the United Kingdom

Berezovsky's swift rise to wealth and his intense power disputes provoked accusations of various criminal activities from his adversaries. Following his estrangement from Putin and subsequent exile in London, media outlets under state control frequently targeted him, drawing comparisons to figures such as Leon Trotsky and the Nineteen Eighty-Four character Emmanuel Goldstein.

In 1996, Forbes featured an article by Paul Klebnikov titled "Godfather of the Kremlin?" which connected Berezovsky to corruption within the automotive sector, involvement with the Chechen mafia, and the assassination of Vladislav Listyev. By 2000, Berezovsky and Nikolai Glushkov obtained authorization from the House of Lords to initiate libel proceedings in UK courts. Despite the magazine's limited circulation in the UK, this lawsuit became a prominent instance of libel tourism. The dispute was resolved when Forbes issued a partial apology clarifying that it did not accuse Berezovsky of murder or leading a mafia organization, and acknowledged inaccuracies concerning Glushkov. Klebnikov expanded upon these claims in his 2000 publication Godfather of the Kremlin: Boris Berezovsky and the looting of Russia.

In 2006, a UK tribunal awarded Berezovsky £50,000 in libel damages against Russian private bank Alfa-Bank and its chairman Mikhail Fridman, who had publicly accused him on Russian television of employing intimidation tactics during their competition over Kommersant publishing. The jury dismissed these allegations; Berezovsky accepted an apology and subsequently withdrew his legal action.

In March 2010, Berezovsky secured £150,000 in damages from the High Court regarding claims broadcast by Russian state broadcaster RTR Planeta alleging his involvement in Alexander Litvinenko's assassination. Mr Justice David Eady determined there was no evidence linking Berezovsky to the crime. This case involved Vladimir Terluk, who falsely asserted that Berezovsky instructed him to concoct a murder plot to support an asylum application in the UK. RTR did not participate in the proceedings, leaving Terluk to defend himself with assistance from the Russian prosecutor's office.

The Guardian characterized this 2010 trial as disorderly due to interference from Russian officials. The defendants' appeal was dismissed by the Court of Appeal, with Lord Justice Laws rejecting newly submitted evidence as implausible.

High Court Litigation Against Abramovich

In 2011, Berezovsky initiated a civil lawsuit against Roman Abramovich at the High Court of Justice in London, accusing him of blackmail, breach of trust, and contract violations, seeking damages exceeding £3 billion. This case represented the largest civil trial in British legal history.

Berezovsky claimed prior ownership of Sibneft, which constituted the foundation of his wealth; however, Abramovich contested this assertion, stating that Berezovsky never held shares in Sibneft. Abramovich maintained that the US$1.3 billion paid in 2001 was compensation for Berezovsky’s "political assistance and protection" during Sibneft’s establishment in 1995. Proceedings commenced on 3 October 2011, concentrating on Berezovsky’s US$5.5 billion claim for damages linked to the forced sale of his assets under alleged "threats and intimidation."

Towards the end of 2011, Israeli private investigator Tamir Mori engaged the Indian mercenary hacking firm Appin to target Berezovsky and his legal team. On 31 August 2012, the High Court ruled in Abramovich’s favor. The judge emphasized that credibility was central to the case and described Berezovsky as an "unimpressive, and inherently unreliable" witness who would "have said almost anything to support his case." The judgment concluded that the payments made constituted a final settlement releasing all claims.

Exile business and personal ventures

Berezovsky conducted business dealings with Neil Bush, sibling of US President George W. Bush, by investing in Bush's educational software firm, Ignite! Learning, from at least 2003 onward. Their 2005 encounter in Latvia generated diplomatic friction with Russia due to Berezovsky's status as a fugitive. Neil Bush was also observed accompanying Berezovsky at an Arsenal F.C. match in London. This association reportedly contributed to tensions between Russia and the United States.

There was speculation that Berezovsky’s fortune diminished amid the late 2000s recession. The Sunday Times Rich List approximated his wealth at roughly US$900 million in 2011.

Calls for regime overthrow

In September 2005, Berezovsky forecasted that Putin would fail to retain power in the 2008 election and expressed plans to return to Russia following Putin’s downfall. By January 2006, he declared involvement in efforts to forcibly remove Putin’s government, branding Putin a "gangster" and "terrorist number one."

On 13 April 2007, Berezovsky openly advocated for a forceful change of regime, arguing that democratic methods were ineffective against Putin’s authoritarian governance. He confessed to six years of attempts to damage Putin’s reputation.

After these statements, opposition figure Garry Kasparov dismissed Berezovsky’s relevance as obsolete and self-interested, stating Berezovsky lacked genuine ties with opposition groups such as The Other Russia. In response during June 2007, Berezovsky asserted he financially supported numerous Russian politicians, including opposition figures; this prompted legal threats from the United Civil Front, though no formal lawsuit followed.

The Russian Prosecutor General’s Office examined whether Berezovsky’s calls for seizing power breached criminal statutes potentially punishable by up to twenty years imprisonment. The British Foreign Office cautioned that these remarks could jeopardize his political refugee status. Scotland Yard also investigated possible legal infractions; however, the Crown Prosecution Service ultimately chose not to pursue charges. Kremlin representatives criticized the UK decision as harmful to Anglo-Russian diplomatic relations.

Role in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election

In September 2005, former Ukrainian president Leonid Kravchuk accused Berezovsky of funding Viktor Yushchenko's campaign during the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, presenting documents alleging cash transfers from companies controlled by Berezovsky to Yushchenko’s supporters. Berezovsky acknowledged meeting with Yushchenko's associates in London and confirmed company transfers but did not verify their use for campaign purposes. Foreign financing of Ukrainian elections is prohibited by law. In November 2005, Berezovsky claimed substantial financial backing of Ukraine's Orange Revolution after the election. In September 2007, he filed a lawsuit against Ukrainian politicians Oleksandr Tretyakov and David Zhvaniya seeking nearly US$23 million, accusing them of misappropriating funds he provided in 2004 to support the revolution. Yushchenko denied any financial ties with Berezovsky.

Berezovsky encouraged Ukrainian enterprises to support Yushchenko in the 2010 presidential race, portraying him as a protector against post-election asset redistribution. In December 2009, Ukraine’s interior minister Yuriy Lutsenko declared that Berezovsky would face detention if Russia requested his arrest upon arrival in Ukraine.

During a February 2012 interview on Russian channel TV Rain, Berezovsky reiterated that he personally contributed approximately $50 million to the Orange Revolution, naming (David Zhvania) and Oleksandr Tretiakov as recipients of these funds.

Designation as persona non grata in Latvia since October 2005

In October 2005, Latvian Prime Minister Aigars Kalvītis included Berezovsky on the list of personae non gratae, labeling him a "threat" to the country's national security. This action followed a recommendation from Latvia's National Security Council after Berezovsky’s September 2005 visit to Riga, where he met with Latvian business figures alongside Neil Bush to discuss a potential project.

Berezovsky claimed that Latvia's decision was influenced by pressure from Russia and interests connected to George Soros, though Kalvītis dismissed any involvement from the Kremlin or the White House.

Claimed 2003 assassination scheme

In 2003, ex-Russian FSB officer Alexander Litvinenko alleged that an FSB operative in London planned to kill Berezovsky using a binary weapon. British authorities conducted an investigation but uncovered no evidence supporting this allegation.

Reported 2007 assassination attempt

In June 2007, Berezovsky reportedly left Britain following advice from Scotland Yard, fearing an attempt on his life by a suspected Russian assassin. The London Hilton on Park Lane was the site where police detained the suspect; however, due to insufficient evidence, he was released and deported back to Russia. MI5 had monitored the individual for a week prior. Enhanced security protocols were also implemented for other Russian dissidents residing in London.

Berezovsky accused Vladimir Putin of masterminding the attempt, a claim denied by the Kremlin. Subsequently, a British security official identified the alleged assassin as a Chechen known only as "A," whom Kommersant reported to be mobster Movladi Atlangeriyev—who mysteriously vanished in Moscow in January 2008.

Accusations related to Alexander Litvinenko’s poisoning (2006) and libel litigation (2010)

Alexander Litvinenko, a close ally of Berezovsky, was fatally poisoned in London in November 2006 with the rare radioactive substance Polonium 210. Russian state-funded media propagated a narrative accusing Berezovsky and Alex Goldfarb of orchestrating the murder to "frame" Russia and tarnish its image. Berezovsky successfully pursued a libel suit in the UK against Russian State Television over these allegations in 2010.

Death

On 23 March 2013, Berezovsky’s body was discovered at his residence in Titness Park, near Ascot, Berkshire. A bodyguard found him deceased inside a locked bathroom with a ligature around his neck.

The announcement of his death was made by his son-in-law via Facebook. Alexander Dobrovinsky, Berezovsky’s legal representative, suggested suicide as a cause, citing Berezovsky’s financial troubles after losing a lawsuit against Abramovich and months spent liquidating assets to cover legal fees. Reports indicated he battled depression and isolation, was on antidepressants, and had expressed hopelessness to a journalist shortly before his passing.

The Thames Valley Police classified the death as "unexplained" and initiated an inquiry. Specialists trained in CBRN defense were dispatched to his home as a precaution but detected no hazardous substances.

Berezovsky was interred on 8 May 2013 during a private ceremony at Brookwood Cemetery in Surrey, with scheduling adjusted to avoid attracting attention from Russian media.

A post-mortem conducted by the Home Office concluded that death was consistent with hanging without signs of violent confrontation. Nevertheless, at the March 2014 inquest, Berezovsky’s daughter submitted a report from German pathologist Bernd Brinkmann, who observed that the ligature mark was circular rather than the typical V-shape seen in hanging cases, along with unusual facial discoloration and recent injuries. An unidentified fingerprint was located near the body, and one paramedic’s radiation detector had been triggered upon arrival. Brinkmann did not concur that the neck marks indicated hanging. The coroner returned an open verdict, citing insufficient evidence to definitively conclude whether Berezovsky died by suicide or was unlawfully killed.

Putin Apology

Following Berezovsky's passing, a spokesperson for President Putin revealed that Berezovsky had sent a letter to the Russian leader seeking permission to come back to Russia and expressing remorse for his past errors. Some of Berezovsky's associates questioned the authenticity of this letter, suggesting it was inconsistent with his character. Nevertheless, Katerina Sabirova, his partner at the time, later affirmed that he did indeed write it.

According to unnamed sources, Roman Abramovich personally handed the letter to Putin after receiving Berezovsky’s apology. Both Sergei Ivanov, Putin’s chief of staff, and Abramovich’s representative confirmed that the letter was delivered by an unspecified individual but refrained from providing additional information due to the sensitive nature of the issue.

Berezovsky’s Publications

Holding a doctorate in technical sciences, Berezovsky authored numerous scholarly articles on operations research and mathematical programming. MathSciNet credits him with 16 publications spanning from 1975 to 1989. His most frequently cited paper is The Problem of Optimal Choice (1984), which addresses issues related to the secretary problem.

Outside academic circles, Berezovsky produced various articles and interviews compiled in the three-volume series The Art of the Impossible. Even while living in exile, he remained an outspoken commentator, often criticizing Russia’s political leadership.

Literature Concerning Berezovsky

In 1996, Russian-American journalist Paul Klebnikov published a critical piece titled "Godfather of the Kremlin?" analyzing Berezovsky and Russia’s state affairs. This prompted Berezovsky to initiate legal action against Forbes in the UK. Klebnikov expanded this investigation into a 2001 book titled Godfather of the Kremlin, subtitled The Decline of Russia in the Age of Gangster Capitalism and Boris Berezovsky and the looting of Russia. On 9 July 2004, Klebnikov was fatally shot outside Forbes Moscow offices; on that same day, Berezovsky publicly described him as "a dishonest reporter," according to investigative journalist Richard Behar.

Sasha Nerozina, a family friend and spokeswoman for Berezovsky’s wife Galina, authored two works: Secret Diary of a Russian Oligarch and How to get rid of an Oligarch or Who Beat Berezovsky, which were published across Russia and former Soviet republics during 2013–2014.

Yuli Dubov, a close business partner of Berezovsky, wrote a novel inspired by his life that served as the basis for the 2002 film Tycoon. Dubov later relocated to London and successfully avoided extradition proceedings initiated by Russia; these were dismissed by Judge Timothy Workman in 2003.

Alex Goldfarb, a microbiologist and former associate of Berezovsky, provided detailed accounts regarding Berezovsky’s involvement in significant events within his 2007 book on the Litvinenko case titled Death of a Dissident: The Poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko and the Return of the KGB. Additionally, David E. Hoffman’s The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia offers comparative perspectives on Berezovsky alongside other oligarchs. Ben Mezrich’s Once Upon a Time in Russia narrates both Berezovsky’s career trajectory and his rivalry with Roman Abramovich.

In 2017, Corpus (an imprint of AST) released The age of Berezovsky, featuring interviews conducted by friend Petr Aven with individuals close to Berezovsky such as Leonid Boguslavsky, Yuli Dubov, Anatoly Chubais, Mikhail Fridman, among others. Aven emphasized Berezovsky’s pivotal roles during the 1996 election campaign and political confrontations with Primakov and Luzhkov in 1999.

A December 2005 BBC Two documentary detailed Berezovsky’s attempts from exile to challenge Putin’s authority. Artist Ilya Glazunov portrayed Berezovsky in his painting The Market of Our Democracy, capturing oligarchic influence during Yeltsin’s administration.

Berezovsky is depicted as a character in Alexander Woolf’s opera The Life and Death of Alexander Litvinenko, which premiered at Grange Park Opera in July 2021. The play Patriots, authored by Peter Morgan and directed by Rupert Goold, debuted at London’s Almeida Theatre in May 2022; it chronicles Berezovsky’s transformation from insider to exile and later transferred to the West End in 2023. In the 2022 ITVX miniseries Litvinenko, Nikolai Tsankov portrayed him.

See also

• List of unsolved deaths
• Russian oligarchs
• Semibankirschina
• Tycoon (2002 film)